Roma in the Czech Republic: Identity and Culture



This report, which provides information related to identity and culture, is one of several being prepared by the Research Directorate on the situation of Roma in the Czech Republic. Previous reports include the Issue Paper Roma in the Czech Republic: State Protection published in early November 1997. As with this previous report, the following paper is based on two weeks of personal interviews conducted by the Research Directorate with Romani leaders, governmental and non-governmental representatives in the Czech Republic in September and October 1997. Information on most of the persons and organizations cited in this paper is included in the Notes on Selected Sources section. The information contained in this report is taken almost exclusively from these interviews and from documentary information provided to the Research Directorate during these interviews. Because of the need to make the information from these interviews available as quickly as possible, other documentary sources generally consulted by the Research Directorate in preparing its reports have not been researched for this paper. Additional reports also based on these interviews will focus on issues such as citizenship, internal flight alternatives, education, discrimination and extremist groups.


The first Roma reportedly settled in the Czech lands of Bohemia and Moravia in the beginning of the fifteenth century (Braham Mar. 1993, 58; Radio Praha 1997). According to a report on the history of the Roma in the Czech Republic published by Radio Praha (Prague), however, some references indicate that the Roma may have first arrived in Czech lands as early as the end of the fourteenth century (ibid.). The Roma first appeared in Slovakia in the mid-fourteenth century (Braham Mar. 1993, 58). A further sizable group of Roma established themselves in Czech lands in the eighteenth century, during the reign of Maria Theresa's son, Joseph II (Radio Praha 1997).

According to Mark Braham's March 1993 publication The Untouchables: A Survey of the Roma People of Central and Eastern Europe, during World War II the Nazis deemed the Roma an "inferior race" and thousands[1]1 were exterminated in concentration camps (4). Almost the entire population of Czech and Moravian Roma was eliminated during the war (Radio Praha 1997; Miklusakova 22 Sept. 1997; Holomek 24 Sept. 1997). According to Radio Praha, most Czech Roma died at the Auschwitz-Birkenau concentration camp (1997).

Ondrej Gina, a Romani leader in Rokycany, west Bohemia, estimates that 90 per cent of the Czech land's 6,000 Roma were exterminated in the war (26 Sept. 1997), while Mark Braham estimates that 8,000 Czech or Moravian Roma died during this period, leaving approximately 600 survivors (Mar. 1993, 4, 57). A spokesperson with the Czech Ministry of Culture estimates that 3,000 Czech and Moravia Roma survived the war (2 Oct. 1997). According to Marta Miklusakova, a Romani rights activist, a very small number, perhaps ten families, of Czech Roma survived (22 Sept. 1997). A Prague-based researcher with the European Roma Rights Centre (ERRC) also states that there are "very few" original Czech Roma left in the Czech Republic today (24 Sept. 1997).

Miklusakova believes that most of the World War II survivors and their descendants currently live in or around the Moravian capital of Brno (22 Sept. 1997). Miklusakova contends that a significant proportion of this group makes up the contemporary Roma intelligentsia in the Czech Republic (ibid.; Radio Praha 1997). Radio Praha indicates that the Moravian Holomek family is an example of a family that survived the Holocaust and today makes up part of the Roma intelligentsia (ibid.).

Following the end of the Second World War, a large number of Roma from Slovakia, especially from Eastern Slovakia, began to migrate to the Czech lands (Radio Praha 1997; ERRC 24 Sept. 1997; Holomek 24 Sept. 1997; Guy 1975, 213; Gina 26 Sept. 1997). Many Roma from Hungary and Romania also immigrated to Czechoslovakia after the war (Radio Praha 1997). A large percentage of the Slovak Roma was encouraged and/or forced to settle in the emptied spaces of the Sudetenlands[2]2 (Holomek 24 Sept. 1997; CEO 3 Oct. 1997; ERRC 24 Sept. 1997). Many Roma then "dispersed as a light work force" to the industrial towns of northern Bohemia and northern Moravia (Radio Praha 1997; CEO 3 Oct. 1997; see also Guy 1975, 213). Gina states that the Slovak Roma were resettled in Czech lands by the communists to be used as a "cheap work force" (26 Sept. 1997; see also CEO 3 Oct. 1997). According to Radio Praha, this transfer of Romani peoples to Czech lands degraded Romani society "as the abrupt disruption of community life … result[ed] in the disintegration of traditional norms and values of the Roma and the erosion of traditional family life" (1997). The voluntary and imposed migration of Slovak Roma continued in waves for several decades (Holomek 24 Sept. 1997; ERRC 24 Sept. 1997; Gina 26 Sept. 1997).

Karel Holomek, a Romani leader based in Brno, comments upon how the historical circumstances of the Romani populations in Slovakia and the Czech Republic led to a difference in attitudes between non-Roma populations in Slovakia and in the Czech Republic (24 Sept. 1997). According to Holomek, Slovaks generally perceive their Romani population as inhabitants of their state, while the Czechs, as a result of the massive influx of Roma after World War II, view the Roma as foreigners. As a result of this, Holomek believes that racism is worse in the Czech Republic than it is in Slovakia, despite the fact that the living conditions in Slovakia may be worse than they are in the Czech Republic. Similarly, Vlaclav Trojan, the director of the non-profit Helsinki Citizen's Assembly, states in an interview published in Central Europe Online that "many people here look at Roma as newcomers and migrants and not as an integral part of Czech society, of Czech culture, of the Czech nation" (3 Oct. 1997).


In 1997 the number of Roma living in the Czech Republic was approximated at 200-300,000 (Gina 26 Sept. 1997; Council for National Minorities 29 Sept. 1997; ERRC 22 Sept. 1997; CEO 3 Oct. 1997). Vlach or Olach Roma make up approximately ten per cent of this figure (ERRC 24 Sept. 1997; Uhl 27 Sept. 1997). The Vlach Roma, according to Gina, are a separate group of Roma from the majority Slovak Roma (26 Sept. 1997). Gina maintains that the Vlach Roma took a different route when they left India and therefore faced different historical circumstances than did the majority of Slovak Roma (ibid.). According to an article by Willy Guy in the book entitled Gypsies, Tinkers and Other Travelers, Vlach Roma "regarded themselves and were regarded by other Roms as ethnically distinct" (1975, 213). According to the ERRC researcher, non-Vlach Roma state that the Vlach look different from Slovak Roma; Vlach are reportedly paler in skin colour (24 Sept. 1997).

The majority of the current Roma population in the Czech Republic is composed of the Slovak and/or Hungarian Roma who immigrated to the Czech lands from Slovakia after the Second World War (ibid.; ERRC 24 Sept. 1997; Ministry of Culture 2 Oct. 1997). As mentioned previously, a small number of the original Czech or Moravian Roma that survived World War II can still be found in the Czech Republic (Miklusakova 22 Sept. 1997; ERRC 24 Sept. 1997). Human Rights Watch reports that even within these three main groups of Czech Roma, there are distinct sub-groups (1992, xi). Finally, a "very small" number of Sinti still reside in the western areas of the Czech lands (ERRC 24 Sept. 1997; Braham Mar. 1993, 58). The Sinti are a Romani group long established in German lands (Brearley Dec. 1996).


A representative of the Czech Council for National Minorities' Secretariat states that there are four Romani dialects spoken in the Czech Republic (29 Sept. 1997). The principal Romani language or dialect is one that has been codified as Slovak Romani and is related to Hungarian Romani (ERRC 24 Sept. 1997). There are many Slovak and Hungarian elements incorporated into this language (ibid.). Ondrej Gina states that although there are different dialects among Roma living in the Czech Republic, most Roma can understand each other as the dialectical differences are minor (26 Sept. 1997). The Vlach Roma, however, speak a dialect of Romani which is "quite different" from Slovak Romani (ERRC 24 Sept. 1997; Uhl 27 Sept. 1997; also Gina 26 Sept. 1997). Petr Uhl states that the Vlach and Slovak Romani dialects are related but are too different to be mutually comprehensible; Uhl equates the linguistic relationship between Vlach and Slovak Romani to be similar to the relationship between Czech and Russian (27 Sept. 1997). The ERRC researcher states that Vlach Romani is believed to be a purer form of Romani, with fewer foreign words incorporated into it (24 Sept. 1997). The small number of Sinti residing in the Czech Republic is reportedly German-speaking (Braham Mar. 1993, 58). Marta Miklusakova believes that most of the original Czech and Moravian Roma that survived World War II do not speak Romani (22 Sept. 1997).

According to a member of the Council for National Minorities' Secretariat, approximately 50 per cent of Roma in the Czech Republic are currently able to speak and understand the Romani language (29 Sept. 1997). The member notes that among the Vlach Roma population, almost 100 per cent are able to speak Romani (ibid.). The ERRC also states that "almost all" Vlach Roma can speak Romani (24 Sept. 1997) and Petr Uhl notes that most Vlach children speak Romani (27 Sept. 1997). Karel Holomek believes that approximately 60 per cent of Roma in the country use Romani in family settings, while they would use Czech in societal settings (24 Sept. 1997). The ERRC researcher contends that "nearly all" Roma living in the Czech Republic, with the possible exception of Romani children raised in orphanages, would have a basic grasp of the Romani language or would be able to use and understand a few Romani words (24 Sept. 1997). According to the researcher, the majority of Roma should have basic Romani language abilities or a reasonable passive knowledge of the language (ibid.).

A number of sources indicate that the percentage of Roma who are able to speak Romani is related to the geographic area where the Rom lives and to the age of the Rom in question (ERRC 24 Sept. 1997; Miklusakova 22 Sept. 1997; Balazova 25 Sept. 1997; Gina 26 Sept. 1997).

According to the ERRC researcher, Romani remains the predominant language within small and medium size Romani communities in Slovakia (24 Sept. 1997). As Romani families settled in the Czech lands and distanced themselves from these Slovak settlements, the Romani language became less useful to them. The ERRC researcher indicates that wherever there is a large concentration of Roma, for example in areas populated by Germans prior to the end of World War II and in any large industrial town, the Roma are more likely to have retained the Romani language. Varying degrees of Romani are spoken in different regions and towns throughout the country. For instance, in the west Bohemian town of Rokycany a great deal of Romani is spoken. In the nearby city of Plzen, however, which has a much larger Romani community, far fewer Roma speak Romani. This may be because in Rokycany whole Romani communities migrated there together from Slovakia and they were able to transfer their culture and language with them (ibid.).

Ondrej Gina also notes that Romani is more likely to be spoken in areas where there is a large concentration of Roma (26 Sept. 1997). Gina gives the example of the city of Most in Bohemia. According to Gina, there are approximately 12,000 Roma in Most and most of them speak Romani. In Beroun, however, where the Roma population is only 4-600, the Czech language prevails. Gina believes that there is a certain degree of assimilation in Beroun, and notes that the Romani language and culture are dissipating there.

Marta Miklusakova states that Roma are losing their Romani language abilities, particularly in large cities such as Prague (22 Sept. 1997). Roma are more likely to retain Romani language abilities in situations where there are several generations living together and are more likely to lose their Romani in households that just contain children and young parents in their 20s or 30s.

Jarmila Balazova, a Romani journalist, states that as a result of attempts at assimilation over recent decades the younger generation of Czech Roma does not speak Romani or only understands the language passively (25 Sept. 1997). In part this is because prior to 1989 the communist regime punished the use of the Romani language in schools and during school breaks (ibid.).

Petr Uhl believes that 60-80 per cent of Romani children do not speak Romani, while 60-80 per cent of adults are able to speak Romani (27 Sept. 1997). Several sources maintain that many young Roma are discouraged from speaking Romani by their parents (Miklusakova 22 Sept. 1997; ERRC 24 Sept. 1997; Holomek 24 Sept. 1997). Petr Uhl notes that parents often speak Romani with each other and Czech with their children (27 Sept. 1997). Many parents remember the difficulties they faced in school because they spoke Romani and do not want their children to endure the same obstacles and hardships (Miklusakova 22 Sept. 1997). Therefore, in order to protect their children, parents will often only speak Czech with them (ibid.; Holomek 24 Sept. 1997). Related to this phenomenon, Ondrej Gina believes that many Roma in Czech Republic believe that if they stop speaking the Romani language, if they do not admit to being Romani, they will be accepted into Czech society (26 Sept. 1997). Unfortunately, according to Gina, reality does not prove this to be the case; even Roma who deny their heritage are not accepted by Czech society.

According to the ERRC researcher, many young Roma have been discouraged from speaking Romani and the Romani community has begun to function more and more in Czech (24 Sept. 1997). Older Roma are far more likely to speak Romani than are Romani children and young people, although the researcher believes that outside of Prague there is a high chance that Roma of all ages will, to some extent, use Romani in the daily life of the community.

One of the major difficulties of Romani parents speaking Czech with their children is that the parents often have a poor grasp of the Czech language (ERRC 24 Sept. 1997; Miklusakova 22 Sept. 1997; Uhl 27 Sept. 1997). Generations of Slovak Roma who migrated to the Czech lands in the decades following World War II spoke Slovak as their second language (ERRC 24 Sept. 1997; Holomek 24 Sept. 1997). These immigrants now speak a pidgin or hybrid Czech that includes elements of Slovak, Hungarian, and Romani and often uses Romani grammatical elements and cases (ERRC 24 Sept. 1997; Miklusakova 22 Sept. 1997; Uhl 27 Sept. 1997). This places children at a disadvantage as they do not speak Romani nor do they speak proper Czech (ERRC 24 Sept. 1997). Parents resist speaking Romani, but teach their children the improper and "very identifiable" dialect of Czech spoken by many Czech Romani adults and children (ERRC 24 Sept. 1997). According to Miklusakova, these children enter the school system speaking a dialect of Czech that sounds strange to teachers and fellow students (22 Sept. 1997). The teachers are ignorant of Romani language, culture and circumstances and they identify the child as mentally handicapped and send them to special schools for the mentally handicapped (ibid.; also Holomek 24 Sept. 1997). According to Miklusakova, the composition of these special schools is 80 per cent Roma (22 Sept. 1997).


The ERRC researcher states that it is difficult to identify particular social and cultural traditions among Roma in the Czech Republic because of the varying degrees of assimilation within the Romani community (24 Sept. 1997). Families that immigrated to the Czech lands immediately following World War II, especially those who came as individual families and not part of a large Romani community, have largely assimilated into Czech society. However, there still are Romani communities in the Czech Republic that wear traditional Romani dress and have traditional Romani weddings.

The ERRC researcher reports that Vlach Roma are more traditional in dress and in social structure and they are more isolated from the white community and from other Romani communities (24 Sept. 1997). According to Petr Uhl, a Czech journalist and commentator, the relationship between Vlach and non-Vlach Roma in the Czech Republic is poor (27 Sept. 1997).

According to the researcher, it may be possible to identify Roma by the way they talk; they usually have an accent and their manner of speaking is different from that of the Czech majority (ERRC 24 Sept. 1997). However, those Roma who are integrated, educated and have managed to achieve the difficult feat of acquiring professional qualifications, may speak Czech as would a native Czech speaker. According to the researcher, in terms of how the majority population in the Czech Republic identify Roma, Roma are Roma because of the way they look: they are dark.

Marta Miklusakova, however, notes that skin colour is not always a reliable criterion for identifying a Rom. Miklusakova noted that she has met Roma who have a lighter skin colour than herself (she is Czech) (22 Sept. 1997).

A member of the Secretariat of the Council for National Minorities states that Romani culture and traditions are only an issue of the older generation; according to the member, young and middle-aged Roma do not remember traditional cultural practices (29 Sept. 1997). However, the Vlach Roma have largely kept their traditions. The representative states that factors that may identify Roma include their low educational level, speech, socio-economic status and social isolation.

Miklusakova notes that ancestry and names may assist in identifying Roma (22 Sept. 1997). For example, the surname Horvath would indicate that the individual in question is likely a Rom (ibid.). The ERRC researcher stated that Roma do not have Romani names, but that they can often be identified by the fact that their surnames sound Slovak or Hungarian (24 Sept. 1997). According to the researcher, most Slovak Roma have Slovak surnames (ibid.). The researcher stated that the following are common surnames for Roma in the Czech Republic: Gina, Horvath, Ziga, Bandy, Lakatos, Balaz, Cervenak, any name beginning with "Gor" (e.g., Goral), Scuka, Ferko, Miko, Sarkozi, Lacko, Olah, Demeter, Stojka, Tancos (ibid., 14 Nov. 1997). All of these names may also end in "ova" (ibid.). The researcher noted, however, that the use of these names as a means of identification might be unreliable as many are typical Hungarian, Slovak or Czech names and therefore may be the surnames of non-Romani Czechs (ibid.). Furthermore, many Roma in the Czech Republic, either through intermarriage or through a name-change, have standard Czech names such as Vesely (ibid.).

Ondrej Gina reports that on a local level particularly, Roma are easily identifiable by their surname (26 Sept. 1997). For example, in Rokycany, where Gina lives, there are only about eight Romani clans and therefore only eight surnames, thereby making it a simple matter for local officials to identify individuals by their names. Gina states that in Rokycany common Romani surnames include Gina, Horvath and Zhika. Gina also states, however, that in most circumstances Roma are identified merely by their skin colour (ibid.).

Finally, the ERRC researcher noted that a common food dish among Roma in the Czech Republic is a dough-based dish called halusky (14 Nov. 1997).

Responses to Information Requests CZE27586.E of 1 August 1997 and CZE27718.E of 18 August 1997 provide information on specific customs and traditions of Czech Roma.


Czech law stipulates that public television and radio must provide services for the Czech Republic's minorities (Balazova 25 Sept. 1997). The problem with this law, according to Jarmila Balazova, is that it does not provide information on when the minority programming should be transmitted, how often these programmes should air, on what stations they should air and how much money should be allocated to minority programming. These decisions are left up to the management of the public institutions. Funding for minority television and radio broadcasting comes from the budgets of public television and radio.

Balazova indicates that television programming directed at the Romani minority has existed since 1990 (25 Sept. 1997). The Romani television programme broadcasts once every fortnight and is 20 minutes in duration (ibid.). According to the ERRC researcher, the television programme airs principally in Czech (14 Nov. 1997).

Radio programming directed at the Roma began in November 1992; the first broadcast was aired on 24 November 1992 (Balazova 25 Sept. 1997). This programme is in the Czech language and is broadcast twice per week: on Tuesday there is 15-minute programme, on Fridays a twenty-five minute programme (ibid.). Balazova believes that the audience of the radio programmes is 60 per cent Romani and 40 per cent Czech. Balazova is eager to retain the Czech audience, as one of the aims of the programme is to provide a more objective view of the Romani minority and to break down prejudice in society. Balazova reports that she, as the journalist in charge of Romani radio programming, has never been told not to broadcast a particular story–there is no censorship. She does believe, however, that there has been censorship practiced on the television programme. All television programmes must be submitted to the station fourteen days prior to the airing of the show and the programme must be approved (ibid.).

Balazova reports that there have been a number of Romani newspapers and magazines since 1990 (25 Sept. 1997). Most of these publications have died out, in part due to mismanagement. In 1997 there were two predominant Romani publications in the Czech Republic: the fortnightly publication Romano Kurko and the monthly Amaro Gendalos. In 1997 these publications were funded by the Czech Ministry of Culture (ibid.; Ministry of Culture 2 Oct. 1997). According to the ERRC researcher, Amaro Gendalos is largely published in the Czech language although it does have some bilingual articles and occasional Romani-only articles (14 Nov. 1997). Articles published in Romano Kurko are approximately four-fifths in Czech; the remainder is in Romani (ibid.).

The Czech Ministry of Culture has provided support to the Brno-based Museum of Romani Culture (Ministry of Culture Oct. 1997). The museum was founded in 1991 by the Association of Friends and Professionals of the Museum of Romani Culture (ibid.; Holomek 24 Sept. 1997). In August 1997 the Czech government announced that it would provide Kcs[3]3 35 million over the next two years for the construction of a building for the museum in Brno (Ministry of Culture Oct. 1997; Holomek 24 Sept. 1997). The museum's collection has until this time been housed in inadequate premises (ibid.; Ministry of Culture Oct. 1997)

Please see the Ministry of Culture attachment for further detailed information on Czech government support of Romani cultural activities.

For information and updates on the situation of Roma please consult the documentary sources and IRB databases available at Regional Documentation Centres.


Balazova, Jarmila

Jarmila Balazova is a Romani journalist who currently works for Czech Radio where she is responsible for Romani radio transmissions. She is also a member of the Czech government's Council for National Minorities' Ad Hoc Working Group on Romani Affairs.

Council for National Minorities

The Council for National Minorities is an advisory, initiating and coordinating body of the government for matters of government policy toward members of national minorities in the Czech Republic (Government Czech Republic nd). The Council's activities remain untouchable by the powers of the Ministries and their administrative offices (ibid.). The Research Directorate conducted interviews with the three members of the Council's Secretariat. The Secretariat of the Council for National Minorities performs "the organizational and expert work connected to the business of the Council" (ibid.). Please see the Government of the Czech Republic attachment to the Research Directorate's Issue Paper Roma in the Czech Republic: State Protection for further details on the statute and composition of the Council for National Minorities and the Council's Secretariat.

European Roma Rights Centre (ERRC)

The ERRC is a Budapest-based international public interest law organization which monitors the human rights situation of Roma in Europe and provides legal defence in cases of human rights abuse. The ERRC has a Prague-based researcher who monitors the situation of the Roma in the Czech Republic and reports to Budapest.

Gina, Ondrej

Ondrej Gina is a Romani leader and a member of the Council for National Minorities and a member of the Council's Ad Hoc Working Group on Romani Affairs. Ondrej Gina is the chairperson of the Rokycany-based (west Bohemia) Foundation for Mutual Hope and Understanding and the chairman of the Council of Rokycany Roma.

Holomek, Karel

Karel Holomek is an engineer and Romani leader based in Brno, Moravia. Karel Holomek is the chairman of the Brno-based Society of Professionals and Friends of the Museum of Romani Culture, a founding member of the Association of Roma in Moravia and the appointed President of the Helsinki Citizen's Assembly Roma Section. He is also a member of the Czech government's Council for National Minorities Ad Hoc Working Group on Romani Affairs.

Kvocekova, Barbora

Barbora Kvocekova is a lawyer who wrote her thesis on the legal situation of the Romani minority in the Czech Republic. Barbora Kvocekova is currently pursuing her doctorate; her dissertation will be on Romani minority rights. Barbora Kvocekova currently works for the Tolerance Foundation and previously worked for the Legal Advice Bureau of the Czech Helsinki Committee. The views attributed to her in this report are her own.

Miklusakova, Marta

Marta Miklusakova works with the Citizenship Counselling Service of the Czech Helsinki Committee. Marta Miklusakova has a BA in Social Work and a MA in Social Policy from the Department of Social Work at Charles University in Prague. She has also completed a post-graduated diploma in Romani studies, with a focus on linguistics.

Ministry of Culture

The Research Directorate conducted an interview in Prague with three representatives of the Czech Ministry of Culture on 2 October 1997. Ministry officials prepared the attached review of Ministry of Culture funded projects in support of Romani culture.

Uhl, Petr

Petr Uhl is a Czech writer and journalist. Petr Uhl is a member of the Czech government's Council for National Minorities' Ad Hoc Working Group on Romani Affairs and a member of the Geneva-based UN Human Rights Commission Working Group on Arbitrary Detention. He is also a member of the Czech Helsinki Committee.


Balazova, Jarmila, Prague. 25 September 1997. Interview.

Braham, Mark. March 1993. The Untouchables: A Survey of the Roma People of Central and Eastern Europe. Geneva: United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees.

Brearley, Margaret. December 1996. The Roma/Gypsies of Europe: A Persecuted People. No. 3. Jewish Policy Research (JPR). London: JPR.

Central Europe Online [Prague]. 30 September 1997. Interview Series. Interview with Vaclav Trojan. A Brief Historical Perspective on Roma and the Czech Republic.

Council for National Minorities. 29 September 1997. Interview with representatives of the Council's Secretariat.

European Roma Rights Centre, (ERRC) Budapest. 24 September 1997. Interview with Prague-based researcher.

European Roma Rights Centre, (ERRC) Budapest. 22 September 1997. Interview with Prague-based researcher.

Gina, Ondrej, Rokycany. 26 September 1997. Interview.

Globe and Mail [Toronto]. 18 November 1997. "Foreign Exchange."

Government of the Czech Republic. Nd. Appendix to the Government Edict dated 11 May, 1994, no. 259: Statute Nationalities Council of the Czech Republic Government.

Guy, Willy. 1975. "Ways of Looking at Roms," Gypsies, Tinkers and Other Travellers. Edited by Farnham Rehfisch. London: Academic Press.

Holomek, Karel, Brno. 24 September 1997. Interview.

Human Rights Watch (HRW). 1992. Czechoslovakia: Stuggling for Ethnic Indentity: Czechoslovakia's Endangered Gypsies. New York: HRW.

Kvocekova, Barbora, Prague. 11 November 1997. E-Mail to Research Directorate.

Kvocekova, Barbora, Prague. 23 September 1997. Interview.

Miklusakova, Marta. 22 September 1997. Interview.

Ministry of Culture, Prague. 2 October 1997. Interview with ministry representatives.

Radio Praha, Prague. 1997. The History of the Roma Minority in the Czech Republic. [Internet] (URL: [Accessed 14 Aug. 1997]

Uhl, Petr, Prague. 27 September 1997. Interview.


Ministry of Culture, Prague. 19 September 1997. The Ministry of Culture of the Czech Republic: Support of the Cultural Activities of the Romany Ethnic Minority, pp. 1-6.

[1]1.           An estimated 219,700 Roma were exterminated by the Nazis during World War II (Braham Mar. 1993, 4). Braham notes that Professor J.P. Liegeois of the Centre de recherches tsiganes at Sorbonne in Paris maintains that 350-500,000 Roma were killed during the war, either where they were found, in prisons or in the camps (ibid.).

[2]2.           The Czecholslovak government expelled the inhabitants of this land, some 2.5 million Sudeten Germans, in 1946 (Guy 1975, 213; CEO 3 Oct. 1997).

[3]3.           According to the Globe and Mail, on 17 November 1997, 1 Czech Krown was worth 0.0303 $CAN (18 Nov. 1997).

This is not a UNHCR publication. UNHCR is not responsible for, nor does it necessarily endorse, its content. Any views expressed are solely those of the author or publisher and do not necessarily reflect those of UNHCR, the United Nations or its Member States.