Political Opposition

 

GLOSSARY

CNS                Sovereign National Conference

DSP                Special Presidential Division (Division spéciale présidentielle)

FAZ        Armed Forces (Forces armées zaïroises)

HCR        High Council of the Republic

HCR-PT High Council of the Republic-Transition Parliament

MPR       Popular Movement for the Revolution

PALU     Unified Lumumbist Party

PDSC      Democratic and Social Christian Party

PLC         Congolese Liberation Party (Parti de libération congolais)

SARM    Military Information and Action Service (Service d'action et de renseignements militaires)

SNIP       National Intelligence and Protection Service (Service national d'intelligence et de protection)

UDPS     Union for Democracy and Social Progress

UFERI    Union of Federalists and Independent Republicans

URD       Union for the Republic and Democracy

USOR     Sacred Union

MAP

See original

1. INTRODUCTION

The phrase "the state is non-existent" is one often heard in Zaire (United Nations 19 Dec. 1994, 26). A country rich in natural resources, in 1994 Zaire ranked 140th among countries on the United Nations human development index, with a per capita GNP of less than US$180, and an estimated 12 million unemployed in a total population of about 40 million (ibid., 7, 46-47). The government has not brought down a budget since 1992 (Country Reports 1994 1995, 282). By late 1993 inflation was nearing 10,000 per cent annually (AI 16 Sept. 1993, 8; United Nations 23 Dec. 1993, 12), and one December 1994 estimate put inflation at 9,000 per cent per month (Africa Confidential 16 Dec. 1994, 1).

Joseph Désiré Mobutu Sese Seko has been president of Zaire since 1965, when he took power in a coup d'etat and outlawed all existing political parties (Political Handbook of the World: 1992 1992, 867, 871). In 1966 Mobutu created the Popular Movement of the Revolution (Mouvement populaire de la révolution-MPR) (ibid; LCHR 1990, 17; United Nations 19 Dec. 1994, 8), [ In 1990 the MPR was renamed the Popular Renewal Movement (Mouvement Populaire Renouveau - MPR) (Political Handbook of the World: 1992 1992, 871).] and in 1970 he decreed the MPR to be the only legal political party (ibid.). Many MPR members, particularly those in the upper levels of the party hierarchy, are from Equateur, Mobutu's home region (LCHR 1990, 25; Mwene Kabyana 4 Apr. 1995). The MPR's status as the party of the state has led many top civil servants, directors of public enterprises and others wishing to advance their careers to join it; as a result, MPR members can be found throughout Zaire (ibid.; Mbuyu 4 Apr. 1995).

Under pressure from home and abroad, in 1990 Mobutu announced the end of the one party system (Political Parties of Africa and the Middle East 1993, 309-10; Encyclopedia of the Third World 1992, 2137; Europa 1994 1994, 3367; Political Handbook of the World: 1992 1992, 871). Opposition groups demanded that a "sovereign national conference" (Conférence nationale souveraine-CNS) be called to draft a new constitution and establish a transitional government until free elections could be held (AI 16 Sept. 1993, 4; Current History May 1994a, 220). [ For more information, see the November 1992 DIRB Question and Answer Series paper Zaire: Chronology of Significant Events June 1960-September 1992.] In August 1992 the CNS elected opposition leader Etienne Tshisekedi wa Malumba to the post of prime minister (ibid. May 1994b, 225; Political Handbook of the World: 1992 1992, 872).

Mobutu dismissed Tshisekedi in February 1993 (LCHR 1994, 421; Current History May 1994b, 225; Africa Research Bulletin 25 July 1994a, 11467; AI 16 Sept. 1993, 6), and appointed Faustin Birindwa as prime minister in March 1993 (ibid., 7; United Nations 23 Dec. 1993, 11). Tshisekedi refused to step down, however, and the transitional body, the High Council of the Republic (Haut Conseil de la République-HCR), would not recognize Birindwa's appointment (ibid.; Keesing's Jan. 1994b, R29). For the rest of 1993, both Tshisekedi and Birindwa claimed the prime ministership and operated parallel governments with rival cabinets (ibid.). Foreign governments either urged Mobutu to hand over power to Tshisekedi (ibid.; AI 16 Sept. 1993, 6) or refused to recognize Birindwa's government (Europa 1994 1994, 3369; Current History May 1994b, 226). Tshisekedi was largely unable to exercise power because President Mobutu retained control of the security forces and the central bank (ibid.; Country Reports 1993 1994, 316; Europa 1994 1994, 3369; United Nations 23 Dec. 1993, 11).

In January 1994 Mobutu supporters and some opposition groups agreed to resolve the stalemate by creating a body known as the High Council of the Republic-Transition Parliament (Haut Conseil de la République-Parlement de transition-HCR-PT) (HRW Dec. 1994, 58; Current History May 1994b, 226; Europa 1994 1994, 3369; Keesing's Jan. 1994a, 39801; Africa Research Bulletin 21 Feb. 1994a, 11294). Tshisekedi and his supporters initially rejected the agreement (ibid. 21 Feb. 1994b, 11294; Info-Zaïre 3 Feb. 1994, 1; Current History May 1994b, 226). However, in April 1994 all parties agreed to a new transitional constitution act, which provided for an interim prime minister to be appointed by the HCR-PT, and stipulated that elections would be held within 15 months (AFP 31 Dec. 1994; Keesing's Apr. 1994, 39945).

On 14 June 1994 the HCR-PT elected Kengo wa Dondo as interim prime minister, and he was sworn in by Mobutu on 14 July 1994 (United Nations 19 Dec. 1994, 11; Africa Research Bulletin 25 July 1994a, 11467; Europa 1994 1994, 3369; Info-Zaïre 30 June 1994, 1). Tshisekedi and his supporters maintain that Kengo's election is improper and have begun legal action to remove him from office (ibid. 24 Feb. 1995, 1; RFI 9 Feb. 1995; BBC Summary 30 Jan. 1995). Tshisekedi still considers himself to be Zaire's legitimate prime minister (L'Echo 5 Jan. 1995). The Libreville radio station Africa No. 1 reported in February 1995 that an "atmosphere of confusion" reigned within the HCR-PT, which had been "virtually paralyzed" as a result of constant disagreement between the opposition and the Mobutu government (Africa No. 1 4 Feb. 1995).

2. POLITICAL OPPOSITION

About 360 political parties are officially recognized in Zaire (La lettre du continent 24 June 1993, 4; Mwene Kabyana 4 Apr. 1995). Many of these have been created as "satellite parties" of the MPR (ibid.; Tougas 3 Apr. 1995; Documentation-Réfugiés 16-29 Mar. 1993, 14). Of the opposition parties, only the three largest-UFERI, the UDPS and the PDSC-are represented outside the largest cities (ibid.; Mwene Kabyana 4 Apr. 1995; Mbuyu 4 Apr. 1995).

2.1 Union for Democracy and Social Progress (UDPS)

The Union for Democracy and Social Progress (Union pour la démocratie et le progrès social-UDPS) was formed in 1980 (Political Parties of Africa and the Middle East 1993, 309; Political Handbook of the World: 1992 1992, 871). According to a 1994 report, the party is "the single most important party in terms of name recognition and emotional attachment for millions of Zairians" (Current History May 1994a, 220). Etienne Tshisekedi, the party's leader and one of its founders, is regarded as President Mobutu's main opponent (AI 16 Sept. 1993, 4; Africa Research Bulletin 21 June 1994b, 11454; Mwene Kabyana 4 Apr. 1995).

According to Kadari Mwene Kabyana, a PhD candidate researching the politics of Zaire, the UDPS is a "centre left" party with support throughout Zaire, especially in Kinshasa and Tshisekedi's birthplace of Kasai (Mwene Kabyana 4 Apr. 1995).

2.2 Union of Federalists and Independent Republicans (UFERI)

The Union of Federalists and Independent Republicans (Union des fédéralistes et républicains indépendants-UFERI) was founded in August 1990 (Political Parties of Africa and the Middle East 1993, 309; Political Handbook of the World: 1992 1992, 872). UFERI's leaders and main support come from the Shaba region in southeast Zaire (Mwene Kabyana 4 Apr. 1995), and the party advocates greater autonomy for Shaba (formerly Katanga) [ The region was known as "Katanga" until the 1970s, when Mobutu changed its name to "Shaba," the Swahili word for copper. People from the region continue to call themselves "Katangese" (News from Africa Watch June 1993, 3). The names are used interchangeably in various reports.] province (West Africa 10-16 Jan. 1994, 44; Info-Zaïre 13 Jan. 1994, 1; Keesing's Jan. 1994b, R29). Its leaders have been accused of inciting hatred against members of Tshisekedi's ethnic group, the Kasai, who live in Shaba, in order to weaken Tshisekedi's power base (see subsection 5.2) (AI 16 Sept. 1993, 20).

Nguza Karl-I-Bond led UFERI until he fell ill in May 1994 (Info-Zaïre 10 June 1994, 1; Tougas 3 Apr. 1995; Africa Confidential 29 July 1994, 4). Gabriel Kyungu wa Kumwanza, the governor of Shaba, was named national president of UFERI shortly thereafter (ibid.; Info-Zaïre 10 June 1994, 1). The party split in 1994, with Nguza's wife Wivine controlling UFERI in regions outside of Shaba, and Kyungu controlling the Shaba branch (Mwene Kabyana 4 Apr. 1995; Info-Zaïre 25 Jan. 1995, 2-3).

2.3 Democratic and Social Christian Party (PDSC)

The Democratic and Social Christian Party (Parti démocrate et social chrétien-PDSC) was formed in 1990 and officially recognized in 1991 (Political Parties of Africa and the Middle East 1993, 309; Political Handbook of the World: 1992 1992, 872; Info-Zaïre 20 Oct. 1994, 2). The party has been led by Andre Boboliko since the death of Joseph Ileo Nsongo Amba on 19 September 1994 (Tougas 3 Apr. 1995; Mwene Kabyana 4 Apr. 1995; Mbuyu 4 Apr. 1995).

According to Mwene Kabyana, the PDSC is a centre right party, with most of its support in the Bandundu and Kinshasa regions and moderate support throughout the country (Mwene Kabyana 4 Apr. 1995). The party split in June 1994 over Kengo wa Dondo's election as prime minister, with some members supporting and others opposed to participation in the new government (ibid.; Africa Confidential 29 July 1994, 3).

2.4 The Sacred Union

The Sacred Union (Union sacrée, later the Union sacrée de l'opposition radicale-USOR), a loose coalition of parties opposed to Mobutu, was founded in 1991 by the UDPS, the PDSC and UFERI (Documentation-Réfugiés 16-29 Mar. 1993, 17; Political Handbook of the World: 1992 1992, 871). The USOR is led by Tshisekedi (ibid.; HRW Dec. 1994, 57) and is the main anti-Mobutu grouping (Current History May 1994a, 220; Keesing's Jan. 1994b, R29; Mwene Kabyana 4 Apr. 1995). According to Mwene Kabyana, the UDPS and the PDSC are the largest and most influential parties in the USOR (ibid.). UFERI was expelled from the coalition in October 1991 when its leader, Nguza Karl-I-Bond, accepted the post of prime minister from Mobutu (ibid., 869; Political Parties of Africa and the Middle East 1993, 310; Europa 1994 1994, 3368; AI 16 Sept. 1993, 5; Africa Confidential 16 Apr. 1993a, 5). In May 1994 the Union for the Republic and Democracy (Union pour la république et la démocratie-URD) and other groups allied with it were expelled from the USOR for nominating candidates for prime minister other than Tshisekedi (Keesing's May 1994, 39995; Africa Research Bulletin 21 June 1994a, 11444; Mwene Kabyana 4 Apr. 1995).

3. ARMED OPPOSITION

A group of exiles known as the Congolese Liberation Party (Parti de libération congolais-PLC) has engaged in intermittent guerrilla warfare in eastern Zaire since 1984 (Political Handbook of the World: 1992 1992, 872). The party's deputy leader, Julius Mikango, died of poisoning in Tanzania in 1988, allegedly at the hands of Zairian operatives; another leader, Antoine Kibingu Miranduru, disappeared in 1989 (ibid.). Amnesty International reported that guerrillas claiming to be PLC members attacked the town of Kasindi in North Kivu in mid-December 1992 (AI 16 Sept. 1993, 18-19). The Pan-African News Agency (PANA) quoted Ugandan border officials as stating that in February 1994, 10,000 Zairians fled PLC-government fighting and crossed into Uganda (BBC Summary 23 Feb. 1994). In late December 1994 the BBC reported that the League for Democracy in the Congo (LDC), which it described as the "main rebel group," had reached a truce with the government of Zaire and would surrender its weapons if the government agreed to integrate LDC fighters into the Zairian army (BBC World Service 29 Dec. 1994). Information on the relationship between the LDC and the PLC could not be found among the sources consulted by the DIRB.

4. THE CHURCH

Sources indicate that the Catholic Church has played an important opposition role to the government (Tougas 3 Apr. 1995; Mbuyu 4 Apr. 1995). According to Jean Mbuyu, director of the Centre for Human Rights and Humanitarian Law in Lubumbashi (Centre des droits de l'homme et du droit humanitaire de Lubumbashi), the Catholic Church is in favour of democratic reform in Zaire, and priests often speak out against the government from the pulpit (Mbuyu 4 Apr. 1995). In December 1994 Zaire's bishops issued a statement condemning Mobutu's hold on power (De Standaard 28 Dec. 1994, 5; BBC World Service 27 Dec. 1994). The bishops accused Mobutu of using "underhanded tactics" to stifle political opposition and stated that attacks on clergy, worshippers and places of worship had become "systematic" (ibid.; De Standaard 28 Dec. 1994, 5). According to the Zairian Association for the Defense of Human Rights (Association Zaïroise de Défense de Droits de l'Homme-AZADHO), a 6 December 1994 mass held in conjunction with a protest against abuses and assassinations in Bukavu was broken up by soldiers, and several priests and church officials were arrested (Périodique des droits de l'homme Jan. 1995, 12).

The Catholic Church gives support and personnel to several human rights organizations in Zaire, and provides schools, hospitals and other social services (Mbuyu 4 Apr. 1995; Tougas 3 Apr. 1995). About 46 per cent of the population belong to the Roman Catholic Church, 28 per cent to one of the Protestant churches and 16 per cent to the Kimbanguist Church (United Nations 19 Dec. 1994, 7; Documentation-Réfugiés 16-29 Mar. 1993, 10). According to Documentation-Réfugiés, the Kimbanguist Church also builds hospitals, schools and social centres (ibid.), although the Catholic Church has played a larger role in this respect (Tougas 3 Apr. 1995; Mbuyu 4 Apr. 1995).

5. TREATMENT OF OPPOSITION BY AUTHORITIES

AZADHO, Human Rights Watch and the US Department of State report that security forces were responsible for numerous extrajudicial executions and arbitrary arrests in 1994 (HRW Dec. 1994, 57; Country Reports 1994 1995, 283, 284-85; Périodique des droits de l'homme Jan. 1995, 4, 6). Soldiers are poorly and infrequently paid, and according to several reports, rob and kill civilians with almost total impunity (ibid., 4; United Nations 19 Dec. 1994, 17-18; Reuters 3 Feb. 1995; Country Reports 1994 1995, 283; AI 13 Feb. 1995, 1).

It is unclear whether these acts are politically motivated. According to Country Reports 1994, there is no evidence that security forces deliberately killed political opponents in 1994 (Country Reports 1994 1995, 283). However, the United Nations special rapporteur on human rights in Zaire noted several allegations of political assassinations and assassination attempts in 1994 (United Nations 19 Dec. 1994, 29, 32). For example, Kabongo Kadila Nvezu was arrested at Tshisekedi's home on 11 July 1994 and allegedly injected with a substance that caused his death in September (ibid., 29). Jean Pierre Ndiada, the son of an assistant to Tshisekedi, was allegedly attacked by military personnel in September 1994 and injected with a poisonous substance; shortly thereafter he fell into a coma (ibid., 32). Tshisekedi himself was subject to at least one assassination attempt security forces (see subsection 5.1).

The security forces remained under Mobutu's control in 1994 (ibid., 14; Country Reports 1994 1995, 282) and all military officers are personally selected by the president (Documentation-Réfugiés 16-29 Mar. 1993, 12; United Nations 19 Dec. 1994, 14). Most senior military officers share Mobutu's ethnic background (Ngbandi) and come from Equateur, Mobutu's home province in northern Zaire (ibid.; Africa Confidential 16 Dec. 1994, 3; Country Reports 1994 1995, 289).

The major units in the security forces are the Special Presidential Division (Division spéciale présidentielle-DSP), the Military Information and Action Service (Service d'action et de renseignements militaires-SARM), the National Intelligence and Protection Service (Service national d'intelligence et de protection-SNIP), the Civil Guard (Garde civile), the Armed Forces (Forces armées zaïroises-FAZ), the Gendarmerie and the Owls (le régiment Hibou, also known as Baki) (United Nations 19 Dec. 1994, 14-16).

5.1 Leaders: UDPS

On 19 January 1994, the day the opposition called a general strike (ville morte or "ghost town") in Kinshasa to protest Mobutu's decision to dissolve the HCR and replace it with the HCR-PT, Tshisekedi's house was surrounded by soldiers (Keesing's Jan. 1994a, 39801; AFP 19 Jan. 1994; Africa No. 1 19 Jan. 1994; Africa Research Bulletin 21 Feb. 1994c, 11295). No official explanation of the action was forthcoming, but one source has linked it to Tshisekedi's strike call (AFP 20 Jan. 1994). On 12 June 1994 Tshisekedi was arrested by the DSP, detained for several hours and released without charge. The incident occurred shortly before the HCR-PT began voting for prime minister (Africa Research Bulletin 25 July 1994b, 11468; HRW Dec. 1994, 58; RFI 13 June 1994; AFP 13 June 1994; Reuters 12 June 1994). One source quotes a military officer as stating that Tshisekedi and his aides were caught driving around inside a military area and that weapons were found in the car (RFI 13 June 1994). Demonstrators burned tires and cars in Kinshasa to protest Tshisekedi's arrest (ibid. 13 June 1994; West Africa 20-26 June 1994b, 1099; Info-Zaïre 30 June 1994, 1). Tshisekedi's chauffeur and bodyguards were kept in custody for two months without charge (AI 14 Sept. 1994, 4; Country Reports 1994 1995, 285). According to Country Reports 1994, an official explanation of the incident still has not been provided (ibid.). Tshisekedi's house was attacked by the DSP with rocket propelled grenades on 8 July 1994 (Jeune Afrique 4-10 Aug. 1994, 24; Africa Research Bulletin 21 Aug. 1994, 11507-08; AI 14 Sept. 1994, 3; Africa No. 1 8 July 1994), another day on which the opposition had called a ville morte (Tele-Zaire Television Network 8 July 1994; BBC World Service 8 July 1994; Africa No. 1 10 July 1994). Tshisekedi escaped an 11 July 1994 assassination attempt when security forces attacked his residence in the Kinshasa suburb of Limete (AI 14 Sept. 1994, 3; Info-Zaïre 27 July 1994, 1; AFP 11 July 1994; Reuters 11 July 1994; Africa Research Bulletin 21 Aug. 1994, 11508). Five UDPS members were wounded during the raid, and Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International report that one UDPS member was killed (ibid.; AI 14 Sept. 1994, 3; HRW Dec. 1994, 59; AFP 11 July 1994). Although an official explanation of the 8 and 11 July incidents is not forthcoming, one source describes Tshisekedi as a "fierce opponent" of Mobutu (ibid.).

On 10 June 1994 Tshisekedi aide Joseph Olenga Nkoy was arrested, reportedly beaten by security forces and then released without trial on 21 or 22 June 1994 (AI 14 Sept. 1994, 4; Country Reports 1994 1995, 284; HRW Dec. 1994, 58). Human Rights Watch reports that Nkoy's home was ransacked by the DSP on 13 September 1994 and 4 October 1994 (ibid.). Amnesty International reports that in 1993 Nkoy had been arrested, tortured by the Gendarmerie and released without trial (AI 1994, 323).

Human Rights Watch reports that troops opened fire on civilians in front of the home of UDPS president Kibassa Maliba on 13 June 1994 (HRW Dec. 1994, 59). An attack by security forces on Kibassa's home in 1993 left his 28-year-old son, Berthos Kibassa, dead and other family members injured (Country Reports 1993 1994, 317; AI 16 Sept. 1993, 10; Africa Confidential 5 Feb. 1993, 4). One source describes the 1993 incident as one in a "pattern of attacks by security forces against ... opposition party activists" (Country Reports 1993 1994, 317).

On 27 June 1994, on the orders of the governor of East Kasai, UDPS spokesperson Lambert Mende was arrested at a rally in Mbuji-Mayi, and released shortly afterward (Info-Zaïre 30 June 1994, 1; HRW Dec. 1994, 59; AI 14 Sept. 1994, 2). Although some sources reported that security forces killed three people and injured others at the rally (ibid.; AFP 28 June 1994), SNIP denied that any "bloody incidents" occurred (Tele-Zaire Television Network 28 June 1994), and according to Country Reports 1994, "credible eyewitnesses" also refuted the reports of deaths (Country Reports 1994 1995, 283). Africa Confidential has described Mende as a "long-time target of state violence" (Africa Confidential 16 Apr. 1993b, 5). In August 1994 Mende attempted to fly to Brussels, but was beaten so badly by soldiers (reportedly led by Prime Minister Kengo's brother) that he was unable to leave as planned (Africa No. 1 26 Aug. 1994; HRW Dec. 1994, 59).

Léon Muntuntu Kadima, a Tshisekedi aide and a member of the UDPS national secretariat, was arrested by the Civil Guard on 5 July 1994 for denouncing as illegal Kendo's appointment as prime minister. Kadima was detained incommunicado, tortured (ibid.; Info-Zaïre 27 July 1994, 1; AI 14 Sept. 1994, 2-3) and later released (United Nations 19 Dec. 1994, 39; HRW Dec. 1994, 59; Country Reports 1994 1995, 284).

5.2 Leaders: Other Parties

AFP reported that the house of "moderate opposition figure" Justin-Marie Bomboko was hit by a grenade on 6 or 7 July 1994, but did not provide additional information (AFP 11 July 1994). USOR member and Union of Social Forces (UFS) leader Martin Kabundja was arrested by security forces on 2 February 1995 (Africa No. 1 4 Feb. 1995; BBC Summary 6 Feb. 1995; AFP 4 Feb. 1995). A government spokesman stated that Kabundja and unnamed friends were arrested for distributing leaflets in support of "ghost city or ghost school days" (ibid.).

5.3 Supporters

According to AZADHO, numerous opposition supporters were arrested for engaging in political activities in 1994, including nine members of the Unified Lumumbist Party (Parti lumumbiste unifié-PALU) who took part in a demonstration on 27 January 1994, five UDPS members who were arrested 27 May 1994 and held 42 days, nine UDPS members who were arrested 11 July 1994 and tortured, and 16 PALU members who were arrested 15 July 1994 (Périodique des droits de l'homme Jan. 1995, 6-9). According to the UN special rapporteur, the number of politically motivated detentions clearly declined in 1994 (United Nations 19 Dec. 1994, 38). A September 1994 letter sent to Amnesty International by Zaire's minister of justice states that the government released all political prisoners after a 5 August 1994 decision to respect legal procedures (ibid.). The UN special rapporteur cites a number of incidents of persons being detained for political reasons, however all but one case occurred before Kengo's 14 July 1994 inauguration as prime minister (ibid., 38-39).

5.4 Women

Sources indicate that although all of the major parties include women's wings, women are not involved in the opposition movement to the same extent as are men, and generally do not occupy high positions within the parties (Mbuyu 4 Apr. 1995; Mwene Kabyana 4 Apr. 1995). There are two women in the 29-member cabinet (United Nations 19 Dec. 1994, 49; Country Reports 1994 1995, 288; Europa 1994 1994, 3376), and about 30 in the 748-member HCR-PT (ibid.). According to Mbuyu, some opposition groups encourage women to join protest marches in order to discourage attacks from security forces (Mbuyu 4 Apr. 1995). Of the nine PALU members arrested on 27 January 1994, five were women (Périodique des droits de l'homme Jan. 1995, 12).

In February 1995 the Belgian daily Le Soir reported that on 3 January 1995, a rejected asylum seeker and her two children were expelled by the Belgian government and returned to Zaire, whereupon the woman, a Ms Tunda, disappeared (Le Soir 7 Feb. 1995, 1). According to Info-Zaïre, Tunda is an influential member of the Women's Group for the Rights of Women and Children (Mutuelle des femmes pour les droits de la femme et de l'enfant-MUFEDEZ), and was arrested upon arrival at the airport in Kinshasa and imprisoned (Info-Zaïre 24 Feb. 1995, 1). A 5 January 1995 press release from the Ligue des droits de l'homme (Zaire) condemns the "assassinations" of MUFEDEZ president Henriette Pwati and secretary Pauline Benza Kenga (Ligue des droits de l'homme 5 Jan. 1995). It describes the killings as part of a [translation] "vast project of physical liquidation" of certain members of civil society (ibid.). The date of their deaths is not given, and further information on MUFEDEZ was not available at the time of writing.

According to the UN special rapporteur, many women have been raped while in detention, occasionally for political reasons and with the consent of the authorities (United Nations 19 Dec. 1994, 34, 50). According to Country Reports 1994, however, although rapes in custody sometimes do occur, women are not singled out for abuse by the authorities (Country Reports 1994 1995, 284). Women in the main prisons reportedly are segregated from male prisoners and experience better conditions than do the men (United Nations 19 Dec. 1994, 36; HRW/AW Jan. 1994, 30). Human Rights Watch reported that all 21 of the women being held in the four prisons they visited in 1993 were at Makala prison in Kinshasa (ibid., 29). The UN special rapporteur indicated that in 1994, 37 women were being detained at Makala, two at Goma, one at Mbuji-Mayi and one at Ndolo, of a total population in those prisons of 1326 [ The UN special rapporteur described general prison conditions in 1994 as disturbing and inhuman (United Nations 19 Dec. 1994, 35, 51), while Country Reports 1994 described them as "life-threatening" (Country Reports 1994 1995, 284). Prisoners are only "sporadically" fed by charities and relatives (ibid.; United Nations 19 Dec. 1994, 36), and many are reported to have died from malnutrition (Country Reports 1994 1995, 284), diarrhoea and other diseases (United Nations 19 Dec. 1994, 34). Torture is reported to be commonplace (ibid.; AI 13 Feb. 1995, 1; HRW Dec. 1994, 57).] (United Nations 19 Dec. 1994, 35).

In addition to the main prisons, security forces also maintain numerous secret prisons ("cachots") throughout Zaire (ibid.; Le monde des droits de l'homme Jan.-Feb. 1995, 19; Tougas 3 Apr. 1995; HRW/AW Jan. 1994, 3). A Human Rights Watch/Africa Watch report suggests that security forces may try to intimidate women in the cachots by locking them up with male prisoners (ibid., 30).

6. ETHNIC AND REGIONAL CONFLICT

6.1 North Kivu

Approximately 1.2 million Rwandan refugees have flooded into North Kivu in eastern Zaire since July 1994 (United Nations 19 Dec. 1994, 20). The refugees' arrival has aggravated a simmering conflict between Rwandan settlers (known as "Banyarwanda") and aboriginal Hunde and Nyanga (Tele-Zaire Television Network 14 Nov. 1994; La lettre du continent 14 July 1994, 2, 3; HRW Dec. 1994, 59; Reuters 1 Nov. 1994). In the fall of 1994, up to 250 people were killed and 30,000 fled their homes following attacks by Hunde against Banyarwandans (ibid.; BBC World Service 2 Nov. 1994; United Nations 19 Dec. 1994, 18; HRW Dec. 1994, 59).

The Banyarwanda include Hutu, Tutsi and Twa who became "Zairian" when Africa's borders were drawn up by the colonial powers in the late nineteenth century, Rwandans who were brought to the area by Belgian colonizers between the 1930s and 1950s, and other Rwandans who fled ethnic violence in Rwanda between 1959 and 1994 (AI 16 Sept. 1993, 21; United Nations 19 Dec. 1994, 18). By 1993 between 1.5 million and 2 million Banyarwanda lived in the region (ibid., 19; AI 16 Sept. 1993, 21), which had a total population of roughly 3 million before the arrival of the refugees in 1994 (United Nations 19 Dec. 1994, 18).

Hunde chiefs control the land in the area, and in recent years the Banyarwanda have protested this situation by setting up their own organizations and refusing to pay land taxes (The Christian Science Monitor 17 Aug. 1993; AI 16 Sept. 1993, 21; United Nations 19 Dec. 1994, 18-19). Violence broke out in March 1993 when Nyanga and Hunde attacked Banyarwanda at Ntoto market-to the west of Masisi-and throughout the region, reportedly with the support of security forces (ibid.; AI 16 Sept. 1993, 21; United Nations 19 Dec. 1994, 19). Some observers suggest Mobutu has fanned ethnic tensions in North Kivu in order to strengthen his hold on power, that creating a climate of fear and uncertainty will cause others to see him as the only leader who can keep the country together (LCHR 1994, 420; Inter Press Service 12 Aug. 1993; The Christian Science Monitor 17 Aug. 1993). By August 1993 an estimated 3,000 to 4,500 people had been killed and between 150,000 and 200,000 were homeless (ibid.; AI 16 Sept. 1993, 21; United Nations 19 Dec. 1994, 19).

6.2 Shaba (Katanga)

The province of Shaba is home to approximately 5 million people, of whom about 1.5 million are originally from the neighbouring province of Kasai (United Nations 19 Dec. 1994, 22). Since 1991 attacks on Kasai [ Africa Watch and the UN special rapporteur define the conflict as regional rather than ethnic, on the grounds that the people indigenous to Shaba and the Kasai who live in Shaba share the same ethnic background, they are both "Luba" (News from Africa Watch June 1993, 2; United Nations 19 Dec. 1994, 22). The United Nations refers to people from Kasai as "Kasai" and from Shaba as "Shaba", as does this paper. Africa Watch refers to those from Kasai as "Kasaien" (News from Africa Watch June 1993, 2), while the US State Department uses the term "Kasaians" (Country Reports 1993 1994; Country Reports 1994 1995). Other human rights organizations, including Amnesty International, describe those from Kasai as "Luba" and natives of Shaba as "Lunda" (AI 16 Sept. 1993, 19). ] by Shaba nationalists have forced roughly one million Kasai to flee their homes in Shaba (ibid.; Africa Confidential 16 Dec. 1994, 4; Reuters 5 Apr. 1995; BBC Summary 23 May 1994).

Most Kasai came to Shaba to work in the mines, and many have lived there since before independence (Le Monde diplomatique Sept. 1993, 22-23; Reuters 31 Oct. 1993; AI 16 Sept. 1993, 20; United Nations 19 Dec. 1994, 22). Attacks against their communities began in 1991, shortly after Mobutu appointed Kyungu wa Kumwanza as governor of Shaba (Libération 15 Dec. 1993; United Nations 19 Dec. 1994, 22). The number of attacks increased when Etienne Tshisekedi, a Kasai, replaced Nguza Karl-I-Bond, a Shaba, as prime minister in mid-August 1992 (ibid.; News from Africa Watch June 1993, 12). Kasai were reportedly ordered to cease trading in Shaba and civil servants of Kasai origin were transferred (Africa Confidential 28 Aug. 1992, 8). Bands of youths armed with knives and machetes sought out Kasai, raiding their homes and later setting them ablaze (News from Africa Watch June 1993, 14). Some reports blame the violence on the UFERI youth wing (LCHR 1994, 423; New African Feb. 1994; Tougas 3 Apr. 1995; United Nations 23 Dec. 1993, 16). In June 1993 the national radio service, Voice of Zaire, reported that Mobutu would not guarantee the safety of any Kasai in Shaba after 31 July 1993 (ibid.; AI 16 Sept. 1993, 20).

Several sources report that the violence was instigated by Nguza and Kyungu, with the support of Mobutu, because it would rid Shaba of Tshisekedi supporters (ibid.; Africa Confidential 16 Dec. 1994, 3; United Nations 23 Dec. 1993, 16; Libération 1 July 1993), while others report that Mobutu encouraged the violence in order to show western nations that only he could keep Zaire united (Reuters 7 Mar. 1994; New African Feb. 1994).

The number of attacks began to decrease in mid-1994, but reports indicate that Kasai continued to be subject to harassment and intimidation by Shaba (United Nations 19 Dec. 1994, 23; Country Reports 1994 1995, 285). For example, militant UFERI members blocked Kasai from entering their places of work and prevented Kasai farmers from working their fields (ibid.; BBC Summary 23 May 1994). In 1994 some 65,000 Kasai were still waiting for transportation to return them to Kasai. About 30,000 of them lived in and around a school in Likasi, not leaving the school grounds for fear of being attacked (United Nations 19 Dec. 1994, 23).

7. FREEDOM OF MOVEMENT

7.1 Within Zaire

In 1994 the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) reported that ethnic differences make it difficult for Zairians to move and settle in a different part of the country:

            [I]t is precisely the common ethnic origin and socio-economic background that are the basis of human settlements in Zaire, which means that if people try to settle down in an environment other than their own they will not only be unable to integrate, but may also put their life or physical safety in as much jeopardy in the new location... (UNHCR 4 Mar. 1994).

The government has insisted that the ethnic origin of every Zairian be indicated on his or her identity card (United Nations 19 Dec. 1994, 31). These cards, which are issued by the Departement de l'administration du territoire (Embassy of Zaire 6 Apr. 1995), must be carried by every citizen, refugee and permanent resident of Zaire (Country Reports 1994 1995, 287). A new laminated card bearing the fingerprints of the cardholder was introduced in Kinshasa in the early 1990s (Mbuyu 4 Apr. 1995; Embassy of Zaire 6 Apr. 1995), but because of the high cost of issuing these cards, the program was not expanded and the old cards are still being issued throughout Zaire (ibid.).

Police and soldiers inspect identity cards at airports and at checkpoints on major roads throughout the country (Country Reports 1994 1995, 287). Sources indicate that the security forces also use these inspections to extort money from travellers (ibid.; Tougas 3 Apr. 1995; United Nations 19 Dec. 1994, 41). According to Country Reports 1994, Prime Minister Kengo banned roadblocks in July 1994, but many remain, especially in remote interior areas (Country Reports 1994 1995, 287). In August 1994 a UNHCR spokesman stated that soldiers in the vicinity of the Kibumba refugee camp were using roadblocks to extort food and money from passers-by (The Daily Telegraph 6 Aug. 1994).

Zaire's road and railway system has collapsed as a result of the country's political and economic difficulties (United Nations 19 Dec. 1994, 41; HRW Dec. 1994, 57). Some Kasai who wish to leave Shaba province reportedly have been waiting years for a place on the train (United Nations 19 Dec. 1994, 41). According to the UN special rapporteur, the World Food Programme imports rice from India or Pakistan to feed the hungry because it is easier to acquire these commodities externally than to transport them within Zaire (ibid., 26).

7.2 Returning Asylum Seekers

In February 1995 the Belgian daily Le Soir reported that rejected asylum claimants returned to Zaire are arrested by SNIP upon arrival at the airport, and may then be jailed for days or months and may "disappear" (Le Soir 7 Feb. 1995, 1). Mbuyu stated that human rights organizations in Zaire have received reports of returnees being beaten, tortured or disappeared (Mbuyu 5 Apr. 1995). According to Mwene Kabyana, Zairians [translation] "who fled torture or even death and who are still wanted by the various security forces are jailed upon their return [to Zaire]. Some of them disappear." (Mwene Kabyana 3 Nov. 1995).

In June 1995 AFP reported that while no large-scale repatriation was being planned, the UNHCR was facilitating a request from 32 refugees in Angola to return to Zaire (AFP 15 June 1995). Further information could not be found among the sources consulted.

8. THE PRESS

According to the UN special rapporteur, roughly 100 newspapers and small-circulation publications could be found in Kinshasa in 1994 (United Nations 19 Dec. 1994, 45). Several sources report that the press was much freer in 1994 than in the pre-1990 period (ibid.; Mbuyu 4 Apr. 1995; Country Reports 1994 1995, 286), but journalists with independent newspapers continued to be targeted by security forces for arrests and beatings (ibid.; BBC Summary 19 Nov. 1994).

Alain Mushabah, the editor of La Tempête des tropiques, was arrested on 17 February 1994 by men in uniform who took his personal effects. Four days later the headquarters of L'Analyste were invaded by soldiers who confiscated all copies of the newspaper, cut the telephone lines and stole the personal possessions of the journalists employed there (United Nations 19 Dec. 1994, 46; Périodique des droits de l'homme Jan. 1995, 26).

Kalala Mbenga Kalao, a journalist with Tempête des tropiques, was detained by security forces and his possessions confiscated as he attempted to leave for the United States in March 1994 (HRW Dec. 1994, 58; Africa Report May-June 1994, 44). Kalala was allowed to leave for the United States 18 hours later, but his wife Sylvie Lumu-Nseya was then detained for two days (ibid.; Index on Censorship Winter 1993, 187). In a separate incident in 1993, Kalala was arrested and beaten by members of the Civil Guard for writing that most security forces senior officers were drawn from Mobutu's ethnic group (AI 2 Feb. 1994, 6; Country Reports 1993 1994, 318; La lettre de reporters sans frontières Oct. 1993, 32; Tougas 3 Apr. 1995).

On 9 June 1994, the mutilated corpse of Pierre Kabeya, a journalist with the weekly Kin-Matin, was found near the Loano military camp in Kinshasa (HRW Dec. 1994, 58; AI 14 Sept. 1994, 2; Périodique des droits de l'homme Jan. 1995, 26; United Nations 19 Dec. 1994, 29). The previous evening he had submitted an article to his newspaper about the May 1990 killing of university students in Lubumbashi in which security forces members were implicated (HRW Dec. 1994, 58; AI 14 Sept. 1994, 2; Périodique des droits de l'homme Jan. 1995, 26). The motives and identities of Kabeya's killers remain unknown (ibid.; Country Reports 1994 1995, 283).

Wilfried Owandjankoi, the publisher of La Tempête des Tropiques, was arrested by security forces on 21 or 22 June 1994, reportedly because of an article about Mobutu the paper had published the previous day. He was released several hours later (AI 14 Sept. 1994, 3; HRW Dec. 1994, 58; Africa Research Bulletin 25 July 1994c, 11491-92).

Adolphe Kavula Mishamba, editor of the independent newspaper Nsemo and a UDPS co-founder, was abducted on 28 October 1994 (ibid. 19 Dec. 1994, 11663; BBC Summary 19 Nov. 1994; Reuters 19 Nov. 1994; Country Reports 1994 1995, 283; United Nations 19 Dec. 1994, 29). When found on 6 November 1994, his body showed signs of torture (ibid.; Périodique des droits de l'homme Jan. 1995, 27) and he died six days later (United Nations 19 Dec. 1994, 29; Africa Research Bulletin 19 Dec. 1994, 11663). The government claims there was no sign of foul play, but several human rights organizations believe the security forces were responsible for the wounds that caused his death (Country Reports 1994 1995, 283; United Nations 19 Dec. 1994, 29). According to the UN special rapporteur, Kavula had written a number of articles critical of corruption and had received death threats (also see subsection 5.1) (ibid.).

On 9 March 1995 Modeste Motinga, editor-in-chief of the opposition newspaper Le Potentiel and national vice-president of the Zairean Press Union, was arrested in Kinshasa by Civil Guard members (BBC Summary 11 Mar. 1995; Reuters 9 Mar. 1995). An official explanation of Mutinga's arrest was not given, but Le Potentiel had earlier published a series of articles that were highly critical of the government (ibid.).

9. UNIVERSITIES

There are campuses of the state university in Kisangani, Kinshasa and Lubumbashi (Encyclopedia of the Third World 1992, 2149; Mbuyu 4 Apr. 1995). Although the school year usually runs from mid-October until June or July, in practice classes are held irregularly because the government often fails to pay the faculty (ibid.; Mwene Kabyana 4 Apr. 1995). There are also numerous private universities and colleges, some run by the Catholic Church, which maintain their own schedules (ibid.; Mbuyu 4 Apr. 1995).

Both Mbuyu and Mwene Kabyana indicate that university teachers and students are generally free to criticize the government on campus (ibid.; Mwene Kabyana 4 Apr. 1995). According to Country Reports 1994, the government "generally respects discussion within the university community but restricts the right to publish" (Country Reports 1994 1995, 286). However, one source reported that sometime between 1 June and 30 September 1994, Professor Mbolo Kala was threatened by men in military gear for having critiqued a book written by Mobutu's special adviser (CODESRIA Bulletin 1995, 6). There were several attacks on University of Kinshasa professors in this period, but the sources do not indicate whether they were isolated incidents or were related to each other (ibid.; Périodique des droits de l'homme Jan. 1995, 19).

10. HUMAN RIGHTS GROUPS

Several NGOs are involved in human rights advocacy in Zaire. According to author Peter Rosenblum, Zaire's human rights groups are generally not linked to political parties (Rosenblum 1994, 52). Rosenblum's report, The Status of Human Rights Organizations in Sub-Saharan Africa, provides information on the NGO movement in Zaire, including details on a number of human rights and women's organizations. This report is available at Regional Documentation Centres.

Country Reports 1994 states that human rights organizations generally operate freely, but occasionally are harassed by government officials (Country Reports 1994 1995, 280). For example, on 7 January 1994 police prevented AZADHO president Guillaume Ngefa Atondoko from leaving Zaire. They also searched his bags and seized all of his AZADHO publications (ibid.; United Nations 19 Dec. 1994, 41; HRW Dec. 1994, 60). After a one-week delay he was allowed to leave for the United States (ibid.; Country Reports 1994 1995, 288). In 1994 Reverend Placide Tshisumpa Tshiakatumba, chairperson of the International Society for Human Rights-Zaire, was arrested and threatened by the government after returning to Zaire from a speaking tour in Europe; he subsequently went into hiding (West Africa 20-26 June 1994a, 1099; HRW Dec. 1994, 60). According to the UN special rapporteur, on 14 June 1994 Voice of the Voiceless (Voix des Sans Voix pour les Droits de l'Homme-VSV) member Willy Kalume Lualaba was detained by the military for possession of "seditious documents," tortured in the dungeons of the circonscription militaire in Kinshasa and released two days later (United Nations 19 Dec. 1994, 44).

11. FURTHER CONSIDERATIONS

Sources indicate that although there are constitutional guarantees of judicial independence, in practice the judiciary is subject to corruption and interference from the executive branch (Périodique des droits de l'homme Jan. 1995, 21; Encyclopedia of the Third World 1992, 2149; Country Reports 1994 1995, 285). Country Reports 1994 states that these problems are exacerbated by "shortages of personnel, essential supplies, and intimidation of justices" (ibid.; also see Périodique des droits de l'homme Jan. 1995, 22). Members of the judiciary have also been subjected to harassment and attacks from the authorities (ibid., 21; LCHR 1994, 425).

The Rwandan refugee crisis continues to affect politics in the region. Some observers have suggested that the crisis has strengthened Mobutu's position by forcing the international community to deal with him to solve the Rwanda refugee crisis (Africa Confidential 29 July 1994, 4-5; AFP 23 June 1994; Jeune Afrique 4-10 Aug. 1994, 24; The Economist 15 Oct. 1994, 54). In the meantime, the UN special rapporteur has warned that Zaire's continuing political turmoil, exacerbated by the massive influx of refugees, may lead to a conflict worse than that seen in Rwanda (United Nations 19 Dec. 1994, 55).

The transitional constitution act signed by all parties in April 1994 stipulates that elections must be held by 9 July 1995 (AFP 31 Dec. 1994; PANA 7 Feb. 1995). However, in late 1994 one source stated that Zaire's transportation and communications systems are in such ruins that a free and fair election would require a "massive injection of aid from foreign governments" (Reuters 31 Dec. 1994), while others noted that the required pre-election census had not been started, electoral commissions had not been established, and the new constitution had not been adopted (Africa Confidential 20 Jan. 1995, 8; Jeune Afrique 4-10 Aug. 1994, 24). In February 1995 Prime Minister Kengo indicated that the presence of more than one million Rwandan refugees in eastern Zaire might force the government to postpone the elections (PANA 7 Feb. 1995; AFP 9 Feb. 1995), and on 19 May 1995, stating that "certain conditions have [yet] to be fulfilled," he announced that the elections would not take place as scheduled and the transition period would continue (BBC Summary 22 May 1995; Reuters 19 May 1995). Parliament subsequently approved a two-year extension of the transition period (AP 6 Aug 1995; Reuters 2 Aug. 1995).

For updates and current information on human rights-related issues in Zaire, please consult the Refinfo database and sources available at Immigration and Refugee Board Regional Documentation Centres.

APPENDIX: NOTES ON SOURCES

CODESRIA Bulletin [Dakar, Senegal]:

CODESRIA Bulletin, a quarterly publication of the Council for the Development of Economic and Social Research in Africa (CODESRIA), is distributed free of charge to African social sciences institutes and faculties. Founded 1 February 1973, CODESRIA's goals are to "promote research and training activities in the fields of economic and social development in Africa through close cooperation and collaboration between African universities, research and training institutes, and professional institutes." To that end it has established an Academic Freedom Monitoring Unit.

Info-Zaïre [Montréal]:

Info-Zaïre is published by the Montréal-based Roundtable on Human Rights in Zaire. Its editor, Denis Tougas, founded the newsletter in February 1992. Info-Zaïre is published monthly and distributed to about 300 groups and individuals in North America and Europe interested in the human rights situation in Zaire.

 Ligue des droits de l'homme (Zaire) (LIZADHO):

Formed in 1990, the Kinshasa-based Ligue has focused on reporting rights violations and on training about human rights issues. The group is in the process of building a documentation centre. According to Peter Rosenblum of the Human Rights Law Group in Washington and author of The Status of Human Rights Organizations in Sub-Saharan Africa (1994), the Ligue was once the pre-eminent human rights group in Zaire but has recently become less effective because of internal difficulties.

 Mbuyu, Jean:

Mr. Mbuyu is the founder and director of the Centre des droits de l'homme et du droit humanitaire de Lubumbashi, created in 1993. He has been on sabbatical with the Human Rights Law Group in Washington since July 1994, but spent February and March 1995 in Lubumbashi. Mr. Mbuyu is a former president of both LISADHO and the Lubumbashi Bar Association and has lectured at the law school in Lubumbashi. The Centre's main goals are to establish a documentation centre and to document abuses in Zaire's Katanga region.

 Mwene Kabyana, Kadari:

A native of Zaire, Mwene Kabyana completed his Master's degree on politics in Zaire at the Université de Montréal, and is currently studying Zairian politics for his PhD at the Université Laval in Québec. Since 1994 Mr. Mwene Kabyana has worked on Info-Zaïre, the publication of the Montreal-based Roundtable on Human Rights in Zaire. He is also the Canadian representative of the Union pour la démocratie et le progrès social, a political party in Zaire.

 Périodique de droits de l'homme [Kinshasa]/Association Zaïroise de défense de droits de l'homme (AZADHO):

The Périodique, the primary publication of AZADHO, is published every two months. One issue each year is devoted to an annual survey of the human rights situation in Zaire. Established in 1991, AZADHO belongs to a network of 250 non-governmental organizations. Its main office is in Kinshasa but it also has seven regional offices. AZADHO has published a number of booklets to educate citizens about their rights.

 Tougas, Denis:

Mr. Tougas has been secretary of the Montreal-based Roundtable on Human Rights in Zaire since September 1990. He is also the founder and editor of Info-Zaïre, the Roundtable's monthly publication. The Roundtable is made up of about 30 individuals and representatives of various groups interested in Zaire, including Amnesty International and Development and Peace. It promotes human rights and democratization in Zaire, and meets approximately every two months. In the past the Roundtable received funding from the Centre for Democracy and Democratic Development in Montreal, but this year's funding will come from the Centre d'étude et de coopération internationales (CECI).

United Nations, Economic and Social Council, Commission on Human Rights. 19 December 1994. (E/CN.4/1995.67). Rapport sur la situation des droits de l'homme au Zaire:

This report was prepared by Roberto Garretón, who was appointed UN special rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Zaire on 9 March 1994. His report is based on a 6-20 November 1994 visit to Zaire and on interviews held outside the country with officials from the UN, the Red Cross and international NGOs. While in Zaire Mr. Garretón met with the prime minister, government officials and the leader of the opposition. He visited numerous NGOs, representatives of intergovernmental groups, churches, universities and unions, as well as journalists and diplomats. The special rapporteur also visited prisons in Goma, Mbuji-Mayi and Kinshasa.

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New African [London]. February 1994. No. 316. Jacob Akol and Francois Misser. "Katanga Wants Out."

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Reuters. 13 June 1994. BC Cycle. "Militants Burn Cars After Zairean Opposition Leader Released." (NEXIS)

Reuters. 12 June 1994. BC Cycle. "Zairean Opposition Leader Kidnapped: Agency." (NEXIS)

Reuters. 7 March 1994. BC Cycle. "Zairean Refugee Flood Threatens to Engulf Charities." (NEXIS)

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