Update on the Situation of Ahmadis, October 1993 - June 1996

 

1. INTRODUCTION

This paper serves to update the DIRB's January 1994 Question and Answer Series paper entitled Ahmadis in Pakistan: Update December 1991 to October 1993, and the January 1992 paper entitled Pakistan: Treatment of Ahmadis Who Return.

According to The Encyclopedia of Religion, "The Amadiyah represent a particular form of Islam derived from the leadership and teachings of Mirza Ghulam Ahmad (1835-1908)... They number approximately ten million worldwide, of which a core community of four million is in Pakistan, the national headquarters of the movement in the late twentieth century" (1987, 153; Ahmed 1 Aug. 1996). Contemporary Religions: A World Guide states that Ahmadis make up 2.7 per cent of Pakistan's 115 million people, a population 97 per cent Muslim (1992, 452). However, the United Nations Special Rapporteur, Abdelfattah Amor, explains that it is very difficult to determine the actual size of the Ahmadi community in Pakistan, since for census purposes "the Ahmadis in accordance with their belief declare themselves to be Muslims" (UN 2 Jan. 1996, 9). In addition, the Ahmadis are doctrinally split into two groups. Qadiani Ahmadis, who are often referred to simply as Ahmadis,[1]1 derive their name from Mirza Ghulam Ahmad's birthplace of Qadian in the Indian Punjab, but are now based in Rabwah, Pakistan (Ahmed 1 Aug. 1996; ISG 29 Nov. 1994; Encyclopedia of Religion 1987, 153-155). Lahori Ahmadis, who number only about 1,000, are based in Lahore (Malik 19 July 1996; IRB 1996, 12; Friedmann 1989, 148-161). For further discussion of Qadiani and Lahori Ahmadis, please see section 3.1.

A 1974 amendment to the Pakistani constitution declared Ahmadis—both Qadianis and Lahoris—to be non-Muslim (Country Reports 1995 1996, 1343)[2]2. In 1984 Ordinance XX inserted sections 298(b) and (c) into the Pakistan Penal Code (PPC) prohibiting Ahmadis—again both Qadianis and Lahoris—from, among other things, "indulging in anti-Islamic activities," using common Islamic epithets and phrases, referring to themselves as Muslims, or "in any manner whatsoever [outraging] the religious feelings of Muslims" (Qadri 1995, 296; Friedmann 1989, 193; AI July 1994, 6). In 1986 a further amendment to the PPC introduced the death penalty or life imprisonment for blasphemy: "[defiling] the sacred name of the Holy Prophet" (AI Apr. 1994, 3). Four years later the Federal Shariat Court declared that the only punishment for blasphemy could be death, while in 1993 the Supreme Court upheld the constitutionality of the anti-Ahmadi provisions of the PPC[3]3 (AI Apr. 1994, 3; ibid. July 1994, 8; FDCH 6 Mar. 1996a ; FNS 6 Mar. 1996; Country Reports 1995 1996, 1345).

This paper will examine the situation of Ahmadis in Pakistan from October 1993 to June 1996, discussing the impact of legal and administrative changes, prominent cases during this period, outlets for legal recourse, and associated topics. As well, in section 3.1 the paper will discuss some differences between the Qadiani and Lahori Ahmadi communities. It should be noted, however, that sources often make no distinction between these two groups, commonly using the term "Ahmadi" to either mean Qadiani Ahmadis or both groups as a whole.

2. LEGISLATIVE AND ADMINISTRATIVE CHANGES AND LEGAL RECOURSE

2.1 Constitutional Challenge

In 1993 the Supreme Court upheld the constitutionality of Ordinance XX, which had been challenged in a series of appeals by Ahmadis who argued among other things that the provisions violated the freedom of religion guaranteed in article 20 of the Pakistan constitution (Supreme Court of Pakistan 1993; Parker Dec. 1993, 2, 8). In the majority decision, the Supreme Court reaffirmed the ban on Ahmadi use of Islamic phrases and epithets, such as referring to their place of worship as "Masjid" (mosque) or to their call to prayer as "Azan," and on Ahmadi use of Islamic practices, such as performing the call to prayer (Supreme Court of Pakistan 1993; FNS 6 Mar. 1996). In making this decision, the Supreme Court argued in part that Ahmadi use of these phrases and practices is akin to trade mark violation, and that Ahmadis should develop their own phrases and practices (Supreme Court of Pakistan 1993, 1754; FNS 6 Mar. 1996; Parker Dec. 1993, 10). In his judgement Justice Abdul Qadeer Chaudury stated:

In this Ideological State, the appellants, who are non-Muslims, want to pass off their faith as Islam? It must be appreciated that in this part of the world, faith is still the most precious thing to a Muslim believer, and he will not tolerate a government which is not prepared to save him of such deceptions or forgeries.

The appellants, on the other hand, insist not only for a license to pass off their faith as Islam but they also want to attach the exclusive epithets and descriptions etc., of the very reverred [sic] Muslim personages to those heretic non-Muslims, who are considered not even a patch on them. In fact the Muslims treat it as defiling and desecration of those personages. Thus the insistence on the part of the appellants and their community, to use the prohibited epithets and the ‘Shaa'ire Islam'...leave no manner of doubt even to a common man, that the appellants want to do so intentionally and it may, in that case amount to not only defiling those pious personages but deceiving others. And, if a religious community insists on deception as its fundamental right and wants assistance of courts in doing the same, then God help it (Supreme Court of Pakistan 1993, 1754).

Patricia Gossman of Human Rights Watch/Asia described the Supreme Court decision as "deeply polemical and biased," and stated that it overstepped the bounds of judicial authority (FNS 6 Mar. 1996). Karen Parker, writing for the Humanitarian Law Project in 1993, stated that "the majority opinion is essentially a diatribe against Ahmadi beliefs and has no place in a judicial ruling" (Dec. 1993, 9). Parker further states,

According to the majority analysis, Ahmadis are only entitled to their religious belief that they are Muslim and the practices they carry out in their belief that they are Muslim if they are theologically correct. If not theologically correct, then the Ahmadis' right to believe themselves Muslim may be curtailed and their right to live as a Muslim may be prohibited. The bulk of the majority case...was devoted to showing that the Ahmadi Muslims are not theologically correct (Dec. 1993, 8-9).

Parker finds within the decision an "ominous ridicule of Ahmadi beliefs and individual Ahmadis" (ibid., 9), and points to one passage which seems to incite violence against Ahmadis: "Can then anyone blame a Muslim if he loses control on hearing, reading or seeing such blasphemous material as has been produced by Mirza Sahib?" (ibid. 10; Supreme Court of Pakistan 1993, 1777).

According to Country Reports 1995, the 1993 Supreme Court ruling "emboldened anti-Ahmadi groups and resulted in more court cases against Ahmadis," with at least 20 cases being brought against Ahmadis under Section 298(c) in 1995 (1996, 1343).

2.2 Blasphemy Charges

In October 1990 the Federal Shariat Court directed the government to make death the only punishment for blasphemy, thus striking out the alternative of life imprisonment (AI July 1994, 7; FDCH 6 Mar. 1996a). The government bill to amend Section 295(c) of the PPC stalled in parliament, but the Federal Shariat Court directive automatically invalidated the alternative of life imprisonment after 30 April 1991 (AI July 1994, 7). Amnesty International describes the paradox:

The legal situation in respect of the blasphemy laws in Pakistan is confusing.... Following the directive of the Federal Shariat Court of 1990, the alternative punishment of imprisonment for life contained in section 295-C is void: the death penalty is the mandatory punishment for blasphemy. But as parliament did not pass the legislation required of it by the Federal Shariat Court, the clause "or imprisonment for life" is still part of section 295-C of the Pakistan Penal Code, though without force. Amnesty International has received numerous letters from the Government of Pakistan pointing to the alternative punishment of life imprisonment on the statute book to counter its concern about the death penalty as the only punishment available for anyone convicted of blasphemy—but this punishment cannot be imposed any longer (ibid. 8).

Within the Ahmadi faith, respect for the state and its institutions is considered very important, a respect which often translates into perseverance in self-defense through legal measures rather than through armed resistance or civil disobedience (Newsline Apr. 1995b, 53; Malik 19 July 1996). Indeed, sources indicate that within the legal system Ahmadis have not been put to death for blasphemy, and that convictions of Ahmadis for blasphemy in lower court have to date been overturned upon appeal (FDCH 6 Mar. 1996a; FNS 6 Mar. 1996; AI Apr. 1994, 4; ISG 29 Nov. 1994, 7). However, Patricia Gossman cites Human Rights Commission of Pakistan findings from September 1995 to the effect that:

eight Ahmadis were assassinated for their religious affiliation during the year, and that 645 cases involving offenses against religion were pending against a total of 2,432 Ahmadis. The Commission pointed out that a large number of these cases included charges under PPC section 295-C which carries a mandatory death penalty for blaspheming the prophet Mohammad. Since 1991, when the death penalty became mandatory, section 295-C is routinely included in most cases registered against Ahmadis (FNS 6 Mar. 1996).

In addition, bail is reportedly often difficult to obtain in blasphemy cases, and the cases usually stretch out over long periods. As well, persons charged with blasphemy are often treated badly in jail by other prisoners (ISG 29 Nov. 1994, 7, 8; AI 1996, 242; ibid. Apr. 1994, 4; Newsline Apr. 1995a; FDCH 6 Mar. 1996b).

In 1995 international attention was focused on the case of two Christians, Salamat and Rehmat Masih, convicted of blasphemy for allegedly writing defamatory messages on a wall. The Lahore High Court overturned the convictions for lack of evidence, but a co-defendant, the illiterate Manzoor Masih, was killed during the trial, and there were so many threats that the Masihs fled to Germany (UPI 10 Dec. 1994; FDCH 6 Mar. 1996a; ibid. 6 Mar. 1996b; AFP 7 May 1995). According to Robin L. Raphel, the US Assistant Secretary of State for South Asian Affairs,

While all blasphemy convictions so far have been overturned or are under appeal, Pakistan's blasphemy and anti-Ahmadi laws clearly contribute to an atmosphere of intolerance, which has stimulated violence against religious minorities (FDCH 6 Mar. 1996a).

Indeed, several sources point to the presence of mullahs and angry mobs inside and around courts during blasphemy trials, reportedly often serving to intimidate judges (FDCH 6 Mar. 1996b; ibid. 6 Mar. 1996a; Manchester Guardian Weekly 21 May 1995; UPI 10 Apr. 1995; AI July 1994, 1; FNS 6 Mar. 1996; ISG 29 Nov. 1994, 7-8). Patricia Gossman of Human Rights Watch/Asia remarks,

Cases arising under the blasphemy laws (as opposed to the anti-Ahmadi laws) have been handled very differently by the trial level "sessions courts" and the appellate level "high courts". The appellate courts have overturned every death sentence handed down by trial courts that has been appealed before them. The trial courts, usually situated in small Punjab towns, are more susceptible to pressure and intimidation from local religious groups, whose members throng the courtroom where the relevant case is being heard. These groups stir up public sentiment against the defendant and issue threats to the presiding judge and defense counsel as well. Owing to the atmosphere of intimidation created by the activities of religious militants, it is extremely difficult for the defendants in blasphemy cases to get legal representation and a fair trial. In recent cases, defense counsel has been provided by the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan because no other lawyer will accept these cases (FNS 6 Mar. 1996).

In 1995, in the wake of the Masih case, the government attempted to introduce legal safeguards to protect individuals from false charges of blasphemy (AFP 28 May 1995; FDCH 6 Mar. 1996a). The measures discussed included having a magistrate rule on whether there was significant evidence before legal proceedings could begin, and introducing a 10-year prison term for individuals who bring false charges of blasphemy (AFP 28 May 1995; ibid. 7 May 1995). However, after a nationwide protest campaign by Islamic parties, the government backed down on attempts to introduce legislation (ibid. 28 May 1995; FDCH 6 Mar. 1996a). Sources indicate, however, that unofficial administrative changes have been made to the procedure for filing blasphemy charges, so that in effect, there must be a judicial review of evidence before charges can be laid, and if a charge of blasphemy is found to be baseless, counter-charges will be laid against the complainant, who will face a penalty of up to 10 years in prison (ibid. 15 Feb. 1996; ibid. 6 Mar. 1996a; Country Reports 1995, 1996, 1344).

Corruption, however, reportedly distorts the judicial system, playing a strong role especially within the lower courts (Malik 19 July 1996; Syed 24 July 1996). According to W. Bilal Syed, a journalist who worked in Karachi for 14 years and who is now president of the National Press Club of Canada, corruption often starts at the investigative level, when individuals bribe investigators to frame or manufacture a case against a rival (24 July 1996). Indeed, Amnesty International, in its July 1994 report on blasphemy laws in Pakistan, states that professional or economic rivalries are often involved when individuals make blasphemy charges (9). According to Syed, in a number of cases lower court judges and court officials in Pakistan have been prosecuted for taking bribes (ibid.). Dr. Noman Malik, treasurer of the American branch of the Lahori Ahmadi movement, describes the Pakistani legal system as "hopelessly corrupt" and "a means for taking bribes," and contends that if a blasphemy case comes to trial bribes are usually offered to the judge (19 July 1996). However, according to Malik, as a point of faith Ahmadis avoid breaking the law, and will refrain from offering bribes to get out of a charge (ibid.).

In blasphemy cases, judges must be Muslim, and according to a number of sources, in some cases against Ahmadis and other minorities judges have been known to add blasphemy charges on their own initiative (FNS 6 Mar. 1996; AI Apr. 1994, 2; ibid. July 1994, 13). Patricia Gossman of Human Rights Watch/Asia sums up the situation this way:

One of the many disturbing aspects of the judiciary's role in blasphemy cases is the sessions courts' brazen disregard of established evidentiary standards in handing down convictions and sentences in these cases. The judges seem to react emotionally to the religiously charged nature of these cases and their opinions reveal a strong religious bias. The problem is compounded by the requirement that the judge in blasphemy cases be a Muslim, and by the presence of crowds of religious zealots in the courtrooms where the trials occur (FNS 6 Mar. 1996).

2.3 Voting Rights

According to an Associated Press report from 27 February 1996, the Pakistan government has decided, despite dissent from Islamic parties and other groups, to extend to non-Muslims the same voting rights as Muslims. Previously, under the constitution, minorities were only allowed to vote for candidates for the 10 parliamentary and 23 provincial assembly seats reserved for them (AP 27 Feb. 1996; UN 2 Jan. 1996, 6). Under the old system, Ahmadis usually refrained from registering for the vote rather than accepting a definition of themselves as non-Muslim (ISG 29 Nov. 1994, 4; Ahmed 1 Aug. 1996). According to Qadiani Ahmadi spokesperson Dildar Ahmed, however, the change in voting rights does not alter the problem for Ahmadis, since religion is still being registered for elections, and since Ahmadis are still prohibited from calling themselves Muslims (ibid.).

3. SITUATION OF THE AHMADIS OCTOBER 1993-JUNE 1996

3.1 Lahoris and Qadianis

The vast majority of Pakistan's approximately 4 million Ahmadis are part of the group known as Qadiani Ahmadis; a much smaller group of about 1,000 individuals belong to the Lahori Ahmadi sect (Malik 19 July 1996; ISG 29 Nov. 1994, 3-4). The split in the membership occurred after 1914 over the issue of succession and the nature of the prophethood of the founder Mirza Ghulam Ahmad (Friedmann 1989, 148-49; Encyclopedia of Religion 1987, 154-55). Over the years the dispute over the founder's status as prophet became the defining characteristic of the split, with Lahoris believing that Ghulam Ahmad was simply a reformer (mujaddid), rather than the full prophet believed in by Qadianis (Friedmann 1989, 148-49; Encyclopedia of Religion 1987, 155; IRB 1996, 12; Ahmed 1 Aug. 1996).

Both the Qadianis and Lahoris are highly organized groups, with central organizations keeping current membership records (ibid.; Malik 19 July 1996; IRB 1996, 6; ISG 29 Nov. 1994).[4]4 As well, branches of both organizations can be found at various municipal levels, with separate organizations for different age groups and for women (Malik 19 July 1996; Newsline Apr. 1995b, 53). Both groups also gather regular donations from members, usually one-sixteenth or one-tenth of a member's income (Ahmed 1 Aug. 1996; Malik 19 July 1996; Newsline Apr. 1995b, 53). At age 16 for Lahori Ahmadis and 18 for Qadiani Ahmadis, members sign a bai'at form or oath of allegiance which formally secures their adult membership (Ahmed 1 Aug. 1996; Malik 19 July 1996). On the form a member stipulates how much he or she wishes to donate, and agrees to abide by a series of ten guiding principles of the faith, which include agreeing to pray five times per day, pledging fidelity to God in all circumstances, promising to give up pride and vanity and to show cheerfulness and meekness, to display sympathy for other human beings, and to follow the teachings of Mirza Ghulam Ahmad (AMI 1 Aug. 1996; Malik 19 July 1996; IRB 1996, 18). According to spokespeople for both branches of the Ahmadi faith, children are usually included in the bai'at of the head of the household, but all members are freely allowed to leave the religion by not signing the bai'at form (Ahmed 1 Aug. 1996; Malik 19 July 1996).

In 1984 the Qadiani Ahmadi leader moved to London, where the head office in exile is located for that group (Newsline Apr. 1995b, 54; ISG 29 Nov. 1994, 3). In Pakistan, the Qadiani Ahmadi capital is Rabwah, a city of about 40,000 in central Punjab (ibid.). The city was built on waste land purchased from the government in 1948, and is 95 per cent Ahmadi (ISG 29 Nov. 1994, 3). Lahori Ahmadis are centered in Lahore in the eastern Punjab, but are also found in other centres such as Islamabad, Rawalpindi, Kasur, Abbottabad and Karachi (Malik 19 July 1996). The two Ahmadi groups have no official relations (ISG 29 Nov. 1994, 4; see also Malik 19 July 1996, 12).

Lahori Ahmadi spokesperson Dr. Noman Malik reports that membership in that group in Pakistan stagnated after the anti-Ahmadi laws were promulgated in the early 1980s (19 July 1996). The organization required a new bai'at, and many members reportedly left the faith, or the country, at that time (ibid.). According to Dr. Malik, acquiring new members has become problematical and rare: if Muslims declare themselves to be Ahmadi, they are open to blasphemy charges for renouncing their faith; if a Christian or Hindu joins, then Ahmadis are open to charges of propagating their faith (ibid.). Thus, according to Dr. Malik, in Pakistan people from families outside the Lahori Ahmadi tradition rarely choose to become Lahori Ahmadis (ibid.). According to Qadiani Ahmadi spokesperson Dildar Ahmed, however, despite the risks there are "thousands" of conversions to the Ahmadi faith every year in Pakistan (1 Aug. 1996). Most who convert are subject to even greater difficulties than longtime Ahmadis, with Muslims, especially, who proclaim themselves Ahmadi inviting considerable "wrath" (ibid.).[5]5

Indeed, an important component of the Ahmadi faith, for both Qadianis and Lahoris, is the missionary aspect (Malik 19 July 1996; Encyclopedia of Religion 1987, 154). According to the Encyclopedia of Religion, theirs is "the most successful Islamic proselytizing effort of the twentieth century and led to the establishment of branches in Europe, North America, the Caribbean, Africa, Southeast Asia, and the Pacific Basin" (1987, 154). Ahmadis are reportedly now living in 142 countries, with active missions in at least 70 (Newsline Apr. 1995b, 54). According to the English-language Karachi publication Newsline, most Muslim countries accept Ahmadis, although Saudi Arabia reportedly deports or jails Ahmadis found "on their soil" (ibid.).

According to Dr. Noman Malik, legal strictures against Ahmadis explicitly include both Qadianis and Lahoris, and Pakistani authorities do not make any distinction between the two groups (19 July 1996). However, according to Malik, for the most part the friction in Pakistan is between Qadiani Ahmadis and anti-Ahmadi Muslim mullahs, with very few of the reported cases of harassment of Ahmadis involving Lahori Ahmadis (ibid.; IRB 1996, 10-11). This information cannot be corroborated at this time.

3.2 Freedom of Worship, Speech, Assembly

The Constitution of Pakistan guarantees freedom of worship within the context of the maintenance of "law, public order and morality" ("Islamic Republic of Pakistan" June 1993, 39). Freedom of speech and assembly are also guaranteed under articles 17 and 19, within similar restrictions (ibid. 38-39).

However, according to the United Nations Special Rapporteur, many non-governmental sources have reported that "the religious activities of the Ahmadi community are seriously restricted," with many prosecutions under section 298(c) of the PPC for "saying daily prayers, referring to the ‘Kalima Tayyaba',[6]6 calling to prayer (Azan), preaching, using Muslim epithets and verses of the Koran and ‘professing to be Muslims'" (UN 2 Jan. 1996, 9). The Ahmadiyya Movement of Islam's 1995 report contains examples of several different religious offences for which Ahmadis were charged under sections 295(b) and (c), including playing a religious cassette in one's store (preaching the Ahmadi faith), using Islamic epithets on greeting cards, converting to the Ahmadi faith, claiming to be a Muslim, displaying a verse from the Koran, and installing a satellite dish to pick up religious broadcasts from London (AMI 1995, 3-4).

In one case, Daulat Khan, a Muslim by birth, was arrested in April 1995 for converting to the Ahmadi faith (Manchester Guardian Weekly 21 May 1995; Reuters 9 Apr. 1995; UPI 10 Apr. 1995; AI 18 Apr. 1995). Three Ahmadis who travelled to Shabqadar in North West Frontier Province to apply for his bail were attacked by a mob at the court room: Bashir Ahmad escaped, Dr. Rashid Ahmad was taken to hospital with injuries, and the third, Riaz Khan, was stoned to death, his body afterwards dragged around the town (AI 18 Apr. 1995; Manchester Guardian Weekly 21 May 1995). Police on the scene reportedly did not interfere with the crowd, and according to Human Rights Watch, no one was arrested for the killing, although the US Department of State reported that "a murder case was registered against all known members of the mob as no specific individual was identified as the culprit" (Country Reports 1995 1996, 1343; HRW 1996, 168; Manchester Guardian Weekly 21 May 1995). Daulat Khan described his experiences after conversion in this manner:

After conversion I started praying alone rather than going to the mosque and I kept my conversion a secret, but the villagers started suspecting something had happened when I failed to offer Friday and then Eid prayers at home. About 12 days after Eid-ul-Fitr I disclosed that I had converted. My maternal uncle, Maulvi Fazle Rabbi and other ulema threatened me; they said I would not be buried in their graveyard unless I called Mirza Ghulam Ahmad a kafir [unbeliever, infidel]. The ulema also issued a fatwa dissolving my marriage and announced a social boycott against me. Even my family turned against me and my wife shifted to another room in our house. I was treated like a dog after my arrest and cops called me a kafir. The magistrate in Shabqadar also treated me like a dog and advised me to return to the fold of Islam. In Charsadda jail I was kept with around 300 addicts. I was shifted to the Peshawar jail on April 9. That's when I learnt about the attack on Riaz and Dr. Rasheed in Shabqadar... I was saddened by the events (Newsline Apr. 1995a).

The US Department of State reports that in 1995 "eleven Ahmadi mosques remained sealed, and four Ahmadi mosques [were] occupied by other Muslim sects" (1996, 1343). In one case in September 1994 an Ahmadi mosque in Rawalpindi was destroyed by local authorities, reportedly under pressure from Muslim fundamentalists (UPI 16 Sept. 1994; Reuters 15 Sept. 1994; News India 21 Oct. 1994; Country Reports 1994 1995, 1253). City officials claimed that Ahmadis had illegally converted the building into a mosque, and the site was the subject of an extended legal battle (Reuters 15 Sept. 1994; UPI 16 Sept. 1994). However, the US Department of State reported in 1995 that the mosque had been used for Ahmadi worship for 40 years, but that "On the building plans submitted to the city, the Ahmadi community did not describe the building on the land as a mosque, because that would have violated section 298 (c) [of the PPC]" (Country Reports 1994 1995, 1253).

Ahmadis have also been barred from burying their dead in Muslim graveyards (Country Reports 1995 1996, 1343; UN 2 Jan. 1996, 9; AMI 1995, 26). The US Department of State reports that 15 Ahmadi bodies were allegedly disinterred in 1995 (Country Reports 1995 1996, 1343). The Ahmadiyya Movement in Islam's 1995 report describes one case, that of Sardaran Bibi, who died in October 1995 and was buried in a

village cemetery where already more than forty Ahmadies had been buried. [The] majority of villagers did not object against the burial as it was [a] common cemetery which was shared by all villagers. On 10th October a small group of youngsters who are followers of mullahs and believe in militancy started demanding that the corpse of the Ahmadi lady be removed from the cemetery. The mischief maker sought the help of Maulvi Faqir Mohammad, a Khatme Nabuwwat leader of Faisalabad who contacted the Superintendent [of] Police and demanded that the body of [the] Ahmadi lady be removed from the cemetery (AMI 1995, 26).

According to the report, eventually the Deputy Commissioner of Faisalabad ordered the body removed, threatening to charge all the Ahmadis in the village if they did not (ibid.) She was re-buried on Ahmadi land later in October (ibid.).

According to Lahori Ahmadi spokesperson Dr. Noman Malik, Ahmadis in Pakistan often have to walk a fine linguistic line (19 July 1996). The Lahori Ahmadi general meeting, for example, held every year in December, would be shut down by authorities if it were called a "convention," like the annual Qadiani Ahmadi meeting that has been regularly banned since 1983 (ibid.; ISG 29 Nov. 1994, 8; AMI 1995, 7). Instead, it is called a "prayer meeting" and is held in a mosque that is called a "gathering place" (Malik 19 July 1996). In addition, programs cannot be printed, and undercover security officials monitor proceedings from within while a guard remains outside (ibid.). A Canadian High Commission report prepared for the International Services Group (ISG) of Citizenship and Immigration Canada states that particular words are routinely painted over in Ahmadi mosques to avoid charges, and that gravestones are altered to remove certain phrases (ISG 29 Nov. 1994, 6-7). The report also indicates that Ahmadis can be open to charges for using common Islamic expressions even in private correspondence, and states that:

Charges are routinely laid for standard Pakistani greetings or letter salutation lines that have religious content (roughly equivalent to being charged with posing as a Christian for saying goodbye given its etymology in [the] phrase God be with you). Ahmadis avoid using these expressions in public places, even in Rabwah (ibid., 6, 7).

In 1995 Nasir Ahmad, from Nankana, in Punjab Province, was sentenced to six years in prison and fined Rs. 1000 for using a common Muslim saying, "In the name of Allah, the Gracious, the Merciful," on wedding invitation cards (AI 1996, 242; AMI 1995, 3, 17-18; DPA 24 Apr. 1995). According to the Ahmadiyya Movement in Islam, Ahmad's appeal of the sentence was granted by the High Court in June 1995, and Ahmad was released "after remaining in prison for more than six weeks" (1995, 18). The US Department of State reports that six Ahmadis were charged for similar infringements in March 1995 (Country Reports 1995 1996, 1343).

Besides annual conventions, many other types of Ahmadi gatherings, including sports meets and youth assemblies, have reportedly been blocked over the years (ISG 29 Nov. 1994, 8). As well, sources have reported that Ahmadis have been prohibited from using loudspeakers at weddings or for performing the call to prayer, while Muslim loudspeakers often blare anti-Ahmadi messages around them (ISG 29 Nov. 1996, 8; Newsline Apr. 1995b, 52). In the Qadiani capital of Rabwah, for example, Maulvi Ghulam Mustafa, the local leader of the anti-Ahmadi Khatme Nubuwwat, maintains an 80-foot high mosque overlooking the city from which he regularly broadcasts anti-Ahmadi messages, and organizes anti-Ahmadi marches (Newsline Apr. 1995b, 52; ISG 29 Nov. 1996, 8).

The Canadian High Commission report states that "Over 400 [Ahmadi] publications, many based in Rabwah, have been proscribed by [the] Punjab government since 1976" (ISG 29 Nov. 1994, 6). The report also states that according to Ahmadis all their publications must by law be sent to provincial authorities for review (ibid., 7). An April 1994 Amnesty International report describes numerous other charges against Ahmadi publications for alleged religious offences, and describes the cases of five Ahmadi journalists charged with blasphemy in Punjab (AI Apr. 1994, 1). In that report Amnesty International predicted that "the completion of the preliminary police inquiry, the submission of the police report and the trial may take years, during which time the five journalists must live with the possibility of being sentenced to death" (ibid., 2). Indeed, in its 1995 report, Amnesty International stated that the trial of the five journalists had not yet begun, and Ahmadiyya Movement in Islam spokesperson Dildar Ahmed stated in August 1996 that the case was on-going (AI 1995, 232; Ahmed 1 Aug. 1996). The Ahmadiyya Movement in Islam also reports "severe restrictions" on the Ahmadi press and journalists, and adds that anti-Ahmadi groups are free to publish inflammatory statements against Ahmadis (AMI 1995, 7-8). For their part, according to Dr. Noman Malik, Lahori Ahmadi publishing operations were switched to the US branch in the early 1980s because of the restrictions in Pakistan (Malik 19 July 1996).

3.3 Discrimination in Employment and Access to Higher Education

A number of sources indicate that Ahmadis in Pakistan are limited in their access to some types of employment because of their religion (Country Reports 1994 1995, 1257; UN 2 Jan. 1996, 12; Newsline Apr. 1995b, 52; Malik 19 July 1996; India Abroad 25 Nov. 1994). The US Department of State reports: "Ahmadis find that they are prevented from entering management levels in government service. Even the rumour that someone may be an Ahmadi or have Ahmadi relatives can stifle opportunities for employment or promotion" (Country Reports 1994 1995, 1257). Newsline describes the situation this way:

Virtually every government servant must first attest that he is not an Ahmadi if he wants to climb up the official ladder. Even parliament ensures that no government dares to relax this unofficial policy. Lists of Ahmadi employees in different departments are frequently compiled and submitted to parliamentarians on request. These lists then become hitlists in the course of bureaucratic infighting. The same applies to the judiciary. Justice Sajjad Ali Shah went on record to deny he was an Ahmadi before assuming charge as the chief justice of Pakistan. The press information department then made frantic phone calls to newspapers across the country requesting that his denial be ‘prominently displayed.' Punjab chief minister Manzoor Wattoo also had to publicly declare he was a Muslim not an Ahmadi before assuming office (Apr. 1995b, 52).

Even in Rabwah, the Qadiani capital and 95 per cent Ahmadi by population, almost all government services, including the post office, local police and magistrates' offices, are staffed by non-Ahmadis, and Ahmadi teachers in Rabwah have become a minority (ISG 29 Nov. 1994, 5). Prominent Ahmadis from Pakistan's history, like former foreign minister Sir Zafarullah Khan and Dr. Abdus Salam, a Nobel prize laureate in physics, have been "consigned to virtual oblivion" according to a number of sources (Newsline Apr. 1995b, 52; India Abroad 25 Nov. 1994; ibid. 30 Dec. 1994). Similarly, sources indicate that Ahmadis are treated poorly in the military (IRB 1996, 10; ibid. 29 Apr. 1994, 27; Malik 19 July 1996). According to Lahori spokesperson Dr. Noman Malik, the Ahmadis who have good jobs in Pakistan tend to be those who have long-held positions (19 July 1996). However, sources also indicate that there are still some prominent Ahmadi civil servants, and that Ahmadis are active in a wide range of businesses, to the extent that the Canadian High Commission report characterizes them as having "employment equality in [the] private sector" (ISG 29 Nov. 1994, 5-6; Malik 19 July 1996).

Ahmadis are also in general highly educated, and are not kept out of Pakistani universities, according to Dr. Malik, although the US Department of State reported in 1995 that it was becoming increasingly difficult for Ahmadis to gain acceptance at some of the better colleges in the country (Malik 19 July 1996; Country Reports 1994 1995, 1257). Also, a number of sources have pointed to violence against Ahmadis on Pakistani campuses (LCHR July 1994, 262; India Abroad 25 Nov. 1994; UPI 10 Dec. 1994; Reuters 18 Oct. 1994). The Lawyers Committee for Human Rights, for example, reported in July 1994 that

An anti-Ahmadiyya wave swept Lahore's University of Engineering and Technology and Allama Iqbal Medical College towards the end of [1993]. Groups of students beat up two boys and a girl student and campaigned for the expulsion of Ahmadi students and the dismissal of Ahmadi teachers (LCHR July 1994, 262; see also Newsline Apr. 1995b, 52).

As well, Dr. Nasim Babar, an Ahmadi professor working at a university in Islamabad, was killed by two attackers in his home in October 1994, reportedly the third Ahmadi academic murdered since the previous April (Reuters 18 Oct. 1994; UPI 10 Dec. 1994; India Abroad 25 Nov. 1994). Reports of more recent events are not available.

3.4 Religious Extremism

Ahmadis began to run into difficulties with other Muslims from the beginning of their movement in the late 19th century (Encyclopedia of Religion 1987, 154; Malik 19 July 1996; Newsline Apr. 1995b, 52). Countering the founder Mirza Ghulam Ahmad's claims to prophethood, the nationalist Anjuman-e-Ahrar founded the Majlis Tahaffuz Khatme Nubuwwat, or Committee to Secure the Finality of Prophethood, in part to combat the Ahmadis (Newsline Apr. 1995b, 52). Besides doctrinal differences, there were political ones as well: Mirza Ghulam Ahmad preached obedience to the state, a stance which the nationalist Muslims considered pro-British colonial rule (Newsline Apr. 1995b, 52.). The Khatme Nubuwwat organized serious anti-Ahmadi riots in the early 1950s in Pakistan, and has been active in the campaign to charge Ahmadis with religious offences for many years (ibid.; see also DIRB Jan. 1994, 8-10).

Indeed, a number of sources point to religious extremists, whether part of the Khatme Nubuwwat, local mullahs, or members of religious parties like the Jamaat-e-Islami, as being prime instigators in the anti-Ahmadi movement as well as participating in attacks on other minorities (UN 2 Jan. 1996, 15; IRB 29 Apr. 1994; FDCH 6 Mar. 1996b). The UN Special Rapporteur states:

In Pakistan, religious extremism is one of the main driving forces of religious intolerance, not only towards religious minorities, but also towards Muslims as well. This extremism is derived essentially from the use of religion for the political purpose of establishing the authority of religious/political parties. Such parties are clearly in a minority, as shown by their poor results in the recent legislative elections. Nevertheless, partly thanks to the Madrassadini (religious schools), and partly owing to the frequent use of mosques to spread political propaganda, religious extremists through their activism tend to dominate society, subjecting it to a climate of intolerance and sometimes insecurity, as appears from the serious violations of human rights (aggressions, threats, assassinations, etc.). This would explain the opposition facing government attempts to introduce a spirit of greater tolerance, especially by amending blasphemy proceedings or improving conditions in the Madrassadini and mosques (UN 2 Jan. 1996, 15).

The Special Rapporteur found that to protect minorities, the government has set up a number of bodies, including the National Minorities Commission, Federal Advisory Council for Minorities Affairs, and District Minorities Committees, and has created "a federal unit in charge of monitoring human rights violations" (ibid., 15). However, the Special Rapporteur also observed that in Pakistan,

A limited rate of literacy, rigid social structures, authoritarian education, political militancy, media frenzy and politically inclined religious practices are not conducive to reducing tensions, particularly between individuals or groups, nor to developing a culture of tolerance (ibid., 18).

The Ahmadiyya Movement in Islam's 1995 report describes the case of Ahmadi brothers Zafar Ahmad Tonali and Rafi Ahmad Tonali of Abbottabad, charged under section 298(c) of the PPC (1995, 9). In January 1995, according to the report, a court hearing to confirm bail was overrun by armed mullahs, and the proceedings were postponed. The mullahs later reportedly attacked the Tonalis' house, and held a procession in Abbottabad against them (ibid.). According to the report, the Tonalis left Abbottabad on police advice, but had their bail rejected in February 1995 when they failed to appear in court, having been prevented once again from entering the building (ibid.; FDCH 6 Mar. 1996b). Another case reported by the Ahmadiyya Movement in Islam concerns four Ahmadis charged in September 1995 with preaching their faith in the town of Sukheki, District of Hafizabad (AMI 1995, 23). According to the report, in October 1995

the mullahs held a meeting...wherein fiery speeches were delivered against Ahmadies. The mullahs openly challenged the court that in case it accepted bail applications of Ahmadies, the Judge would be dubbed either an Ahmadi or he would be considered to have received bribe[s] from Ahmadies (AMI 1995, 23).

Bail was reportedly denied (ibid.). Mullahs were also reportedly instrumental in inciting mob violence against the Ahmadis who had tried to get bail for Daulat Khan and in campaigning for the destruction of the Ahmadi mosque in Rawalpindi, both cases mentioned above (Manchester Guardian Weekly 21 May 1995; Country Reports 1995, 1996, 1343; News India 21 Oct. 1994; Reuters 15 Sept. 1994; UPI 16 Sept. 1994).

4. EXIT, RETURN, IDENTIFICATION AND INTERNAL MOVEMENT

Since 1974 the Pakistani passport application form has required Ahmadis to either declare themselves as non-Muslim or to specifically renounce their founder, Mirza Ghulam Ahmad, before being eligible for a passport[7]7 (Politics & Business 27 Mar. 1995; Country Reports 1995 1996, 1343; Malik 19 July 1996; IRB 1996, 14; UN 2 Jan. 1996, 17). According to Dildar Ahmed, the Qadiani Ahmadi position is that members should sign as "Ahmadis" rather than as "Non-Muslims" or "Muslims" (1 Aug. 1996). If Qadiani Ahmadis sign as Muslims, and thus denounce their founder, then they face expulsion from the community, or at the least must explain their actions (ibid.). According to Ahmed, Ahmadis are able to sign the form as Ahmadis in Pakistan and at Pakistani High Commissions in many other countries, although in recent years the High Commission in Ottawa reportedly has a policy that for passport renewals or replacements an individual must either sign as "Muslim" or "Non-Muslim". Abdul Lateef, first secretary of the Pakistan High Commission in Ottawa, stated that currently in passports issued by the Ottawa office the word "Ahmadi" in the religion column is followed by "Non-Muslim" in brackets, a practice meant to "educate the Canadian public regarding the status of Ahmadis in Pakistan" (12 Nov. 1996). The High Commission is awaiting clarification on the policy from the Ministry of the Interior in Islamabad (ibid.)

According to Lahori Ahmadi spokesperson Dr. Noman Malik, Lahori Ahmadis will not renounce their founder, and so generally sign their application form as non-Muslims, a practice which he says bears no stigma within the Lahori Ahmadi community (19 July 1996; see also DIRB Jan. 1994, 14-15). One practical restriction, however, is that bearers of non-Muslim passports are not allowed on the hajj—the Muslim pilgrimage—in Saudi Arabia (Malik 19 July 1996; Country Reports 1995 1996, 1343).

According to Dildar Ahmed, if an Ahmadi returns to Pakistan, authorities generally would not know if the individual had made a refugee claim abroad (1 Aug. 1996). There have been cases of returning Ahmadis picked up at the airport, according to Ahmed, but he is not sure if the act of claiming asylum abroad makes matters worse for an individual (ibid.). According to Ahmed, the difficulties in Pakistan are faced by all Ahmadis, not just those returning from other countries (ibid.).

Pakistani citizens must state their religion on application forms for National Identity Cards (Ahmed 1 Aug. 1996; Lateef 13 Nov. 1996). As well, the National Identity Card application also requires Muslims to attest that they do not belong "to either the Lahori or the Quadiayani group," and do not call themselves Ahmadis (Govt. of Pakistan n.d.). However, although there was a movement in 1992 to introduce the category of religion to the National Identity Card itself, the government relented under opposition from religious minorities, and the card to date does not mention an individual's religion (Lateef 13 Nov. 1996; UN 2 Jan. 1996, 6-7; Country Reports 1994 1995, 1253; Country Reports 1993 1994, 1378).

The US Department of State reports that there is freedom of movement within Pakistan for most citizens, although "the Government occasionally prohibits movement of persons...through ‘externment orders' when it believes their presence will lead to a threat to public order" (Country Reports 1995 1996, 1344-45). According to Dildar Ahmed, Ahmadis have a strong community support network to help members who get in trouble, mainly by dispatching Ahmadi lawyers to defend clients free of charge (1 Aug. 1996). Ahmed argues that laws restricting the freedom of religion for Ahmadis apply throughout Pakistan, so there is no safe area to move to, a belief shared by Lahori Ahmadi spokesperson Dr. Noman Malik (ibid.; Malik 19 July 1996). According to Malik, however, the Lahori Ahmadi community has on occasion helped members to relocate quickly if trouble arises, although in Pakistan it can be difficult to change towns and replace employment, and the anti-Ahmadi provisions of the PPC pertain to the entire country (19 July 1996). As well, according to the Canadian High Commission, even in the Qadiani capital of Rabwah, "residents are statistically more, not less, apt to be charged than [Pakistani] Ahmadis as a whole" (ISG 29 Nov. 1994, 7).

For further information and updates, please consult the DIRB's information database DOCINFO on SHARENET.

5. NOTES ON SELECTED SOURCES

Ahmed, Dildar. 1 August 1996. Maple, Ontario: telephone interview.

Dildar Ahmed is the secretary of the Toronto Mission of the Ahmadiyya Movement in Islam (AMI), the central organizing body of Qadiani Ahmadis. He spoke to the DIRB in a telephone interview touching on aspects of the Ahmadi faith and the functioning of the organization as well as the situation of Ahmadis in Pakistan.

Ahmadiyya Movement in Islam (AMI).

The Ahmadiyya Movement in Islam (AMI) is the central organizing body of Qadiani Ahmadis. It regularly collects and disseminates information on the situation of Ahmadis in Pakistan, and keeps detailed membership records. One 1995 AMI report was used in the preparation of this paper: Human Rights Violations by Pakistan: Mounting Persecution of Ahmadi Muslims in Pakistan. As well, the AMI supplied the DIRB with a document outlining Conditions of Bai'at (Initiation) in Ahmadiyya Movement in Islam by Hazrat Mirza Ghulam Ahmad of Qadian.

Federal Document Clearinghouse (FDCH) and Federal News Service (FNS) U.S. Senate and Congressional Testimony.

This paper uses testimony at hearings of the US Senate Foreign Relations, Near Eastern and South Asian Affairs Committee, made available through the FDCH and FNS services. This testimony includes that of Robin L. Raphel, Assistant Secretary of State for South Asian Affairs at the US Department of State (FDCH 6 Mar. 1996a), Ann J. Buwalda, US Director of the Jubilee Campaign (6 Mar. 1996b), and Patricia Gossman, a senior researcher with Human Rights Watch/Asia (FNS 6 Mar. 1996). As well, this paper also uses the testimony of Morton E. Winston, Chair of the Board of Directors of Amnesty International USA, before the House Committee on International Relations, Subcomittee on International Organizations and Human Rights (FDCH 15 Feb. 1995). FDCH and FNS reports are made available through the commercial online service NEXIS.

International Services Group (ISG), Department of Citizenship and Immigration Canada, Hull. 29 November 1994. Report prepared by the Canadian High Commission in Pakistan.

This report prepared by the Canadian High Commission in Pakistan focuses on the situation of Ahmadis in the Qadiani capital of Rabwah. Officers visited the city, spoke with members of the Ahmadi community, and also consulted the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan and government representatives. Although written in cable short form, the document gives a clear and detailed account of the situation in Rabwah, which is 95 per cent Ahmadi.

Malik, Dr. Noman. 19 July 1996. Treasurer and spokesperson for the Ahmadiyya Anjuman Ishaat Lahore, Inc. Seminar presentation for the DIRB, Ottawa.

Dr. Malik addressed the DIRB in Ottawa, giving details of the Lahori Ahmadi faith, its central organization, and the situation for Lahori Ahmadis in Pakistan. A transcript of the seminar is being prepared; as well, Dr. Malik is working on a written report about the organization and situation of Lahori Ahmadis in Pakistan.

Syed, W. Bilal. 24 July 1996. Telephone interview, Ottawa.

W. Bilal Syed worked as a journalist in Karachi for 14 years. He is currently president of the National Press Club of Canada. He spoke to the DIRB about the effects of corruption on the Pakistani judicial system.

United Nations Economic and Social Council. 2 January 1996. (E/CN.4/1996/95/Add.1). Commission on Human Rights, Fifty-second session. Implementation of the Declaration on the Elimination of All Forms of Intolerance and of Discrimination Based on Religion or Belief. Report Submitted by Mr. Abdelfattah Amor, Special Rapporteur, in Accordance with Commission on Human Rights Resolution 1995/23. Addendum: Visit by the Special Rapporteur to Pakistan.

This Special Rapporteur's report describes the treatment of religious minorities in Pakistan, including Ahmadis and Christians. Besides giving details of specific cases, the Special Rapporteur, Abdelfattah Amor, discusses the background of religious intolerance in the country. Amor's report is based on a visit to Pakistan which included consultations with Pakistani government officials as well as representatives of human rights, non-governmental and religious organizations.

6. REFERENCES

Agence France Presse (AFP). 28 May 1995. Shah Alam. "Islamic Parties Force Bhutto Government to Backtrack over Blasphemy Law." (NEXIS)

Agence France Presse (AFP). 7 May 1995. "Bhutto Faces Difficulty in Amending Blasphemy Law." (NEXIS)

Ahmadiyya Movement in Islam (AMI). 1 August 1996. Conditions of Bai'at (Initiation) in Ahmadiyya Movement in Islam by Hazrat Mirza Ghulam Ahmad of Qadian. Fax sent to DIRB.

Ahmadiyya Movement in Islam (AMI). 1995. Human Rights Violations by Pakistan: Mounting Persecution of Ahmadi Muslims in Pakistan. Maple, Ontario: Ahmadiyya Movement in Islam, Canada.

Ahmed, Dildar, Secretary of the Toronto Mission of the Ahmadiyya Movement in Islam. 1 August 1996. Maple, Ontario: Telephone interview.

Amnesty International. 1996. Amnesty International Report 1996. London: Amnesty International.

Amnesty International. 1996. 18 April 1995. "Pakistan: Another Ahmadi Deliberately Killed by Islamists." (AI Index: ASA 23/10/95). London: Amnesty International.

Amnesty International. 1996. July 1994. Pakistan: Use and Abuse of the Blasphemy Laws. London: Amnesty International.

Amnesty International. 1996. April 1994. Pakistan: Five Ahmadi Journalists Charged with Blasphemy. London: Amnesty International.

Associated Press (AP). 27 February 1996. Kathy Gannon. "New Law."

Contemporary Religions: A World Guide. 1992. Harlow, Essex: Longman Group UK.

Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 1995. 1996. United States Department of State. Washington, DC: United States Government Printing Office.

Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 1994. 1995. United States Department of State. Washington, DC: United States Government Printing Office.

Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 1993. 1994. United States Department of State. Washington, DC: United States Government Printing Office.

Deutsche Press-Agentur (DPA). 24 April 1995. "Pakistani Sentenced for Using Islamic Terms on Invitation Cards." (NEXIS)

Documentation, Information and Research Branch (DIRB), Ottawa. January 1994. Ahmadis in Pakistan: Update December 1991 to October 1993.

The Encyclopedia of Religion. 1987. Vol. 1. Edited by Mircea Eliade. New York: Macmillan Publishing Company.

Federal Document Clearinghouse (FDCH) Congressional Testimony. 6 March 1996a. "Testimony March 06, 1996 Robin L. Raphel Assistant Secretary of State for South Asian Affairs U.S. Department of State Senate Foreign Relations Near Eastern and South Asian Affairs Religious Freedom in Pakistan." (NEXIS)

Federal Document Clearinghouse (FDCH) Congressional Testimony. 6 March 1996b. "Testimony March 06, 1996 Ann J. Buwalda US Director Jubilee Campaign Senate Foreign Relations Near Eastern and South Asian Affairs Religious Freedom in Pakistan." (NEXIS)

Federal Document Clearinghouse (FDCH) Federal Department and Agency Documents. 15 Feb. 1996. "Religious Freedom and Persecution of Christians." (NEXIS)

Federal News Service (FNS). 6 March 1996. "Prepared Testimony of Patricia Gossman Before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee Near East and South Asia Subcommittee." (NEXIS)

Friedmann, Yohanan. 1989. Prophecy Continuous: Aspects of Ahmadi Thought and Its Medieval Background. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Government of Pakistan, Directorate General of Registration, Ministry of Interior. n.d. "Application Form for Registration/Obtaining an Identification Card..." Facsimile received by the DIRB in Urdu from the Ahmadiyya Movement in Islam, Toronto. Translated by the Multilingual Translation Directorate of the Department of Public Works and Government Services Canada.

Human Rights Watch (HRW). 1996. World Report 1996. New York: HRW.

India Abroad [Toronto]. 30 December 1994. Aabha Dixit. "Pakistan Rights Record Belies Cries on Kashmir." (NEXIS)

India Abroad [Toronto].25 November 1994. Arvind Deo. "The Plight of the Ahmadiyas in Pakistan." (NEXIS)

International Services Group (ISG), Department of Citizenship and Immigration Canada, Hull. 29 November 1994. Report prepared by the Canadian High Commission in Pakistan.

Immigration and Refugee Board (IRB). 1996. Sanitized version of Dr. Malik's testimony on Lahori-Ahmadis in Pakistan [supplied title]. Calgary: Immigration and Refugee Board.Immigration and Refugee Board (IRB). Professional Development Committee. 29 April 1994. Pakistan Conference April 29, 1994; IRB-Montréal; Speakers: Antonio R. Gualtieri, Farhad Karim, Ayesha Jalal. Montréal: Immigration and Refugee Board.

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Lateef, Abdul, First Secretary, Pakistan High Commission, Ottawa. 13 November 1996. Telephone interview.

Lateef, Abdul, First Secretary, Pakistan High Commission, Ottawa. 12 November 1996. Telephone interview.

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Malik, Dr. Noman. 19 July 1996. Treasurer and spokesperson for the Ahmadiyya Anjuman Ishaat Lahore, Inc. Seminar presentation for the DIRB, Ottawa.

Manchester Guardian Weekly. 21 May 1995. Jennifer Griffin. "Mullahs Unleash Their Wrath Against Converts." (NEXIS)

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Parker, Karen. December 1993. Religious Persecution in Pakistan: The Ahmadi Case at the Supreme Court. Los Angeles: Humanitarian Law Project.

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Qadri, Shahid Hussain. 1995. Pakistan Penal Code (XLV of 1860) with Qisas & Diyat Ordinance & New Islamic Laws, 1979. Lahore: Mansoor Book House.

Reuters. 9 April 1995. "Pakistani Islamic Crowd Stones Man to Death." (NEXIS)

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United Press International (UPI). 10 April 1995. Behroz Khan. "Northwest Pakistan Tense After Stoning." (NEXIS)

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[1]1.           According to Dildar Ahmed, spokesperson for the Toronto Mission of the Qadiani group Ahmadiyya Movement in Islam (AMI), Qadianis refer to themselves as Ahmadis (1 Aug 1996). In this paper, the term "Qadiani" is used only to differentiate from Lahori Ahmadis.

[2]2.           For Further information, please see Appendix A in the DIRB's January 1992 Pakistan: Treatment of Ahmadis Who Return.

[3]3.           For the full text of Sections 295(c) and 298(b) and (c) of the Pakistani Penal Code, please see the appendices in the DIRB's January 1992 Pakistan: Treatment of Anmadis Who Return.

[4]4.           According to representatives of both organizations, membership of any particular individual can be verified by correspondence through the organizations (Ahmed 1 Aug. 1996; Malik 19 July 1996).

[5]5.           Please see section 3.2 for a description of the case of convert Daulat Khan.

[6]6.           According to Karen Parker of the Humanitarian Law Project, "The Kalima Tayyaba, a pronouncement of faith in Allah and Muhammad as His messenger, is cardinal to Muslims" (Dec. 1993, 2).

[7]7.           For the text of the Pakistani passport application form, please see Appendix D in the DIRB's January 1992 Pakistan: Treatment of Ahmadis Who Return.