Freedom in the World 1999 - Côte d'Ivoire

1999 Scores

Status: Partly Free
Freedom Rating: 5.0
Civil Liberties: 4
Political Rights: 6

Ratings Change

Cote d'Ivoire's status changed from Not Free to Partly Free due to the opening of political dialogue represented by the return to the country of a major exiled political leader, and the military's urging of political parties to nominate members of a transitional cabinet.

Overview

Tension leading up to presidential elections in October 2000 came to a head on Christmas Eve when General Robert Guei seized power from the country's increasingly authoritarian leader, President Henri Konan Bédié. The coup, which sent Bédié fleeing abroad, followed three days of rioting and looting in the commercial capital Abidjan by soldiers who had been complaining of salary arrears. Guei set up a National Committee of Public Salvation (CNSP), dissolved the supreme court, the constitutional court, the national assembly and the cabinet, and promised a return to democratic rule. He set no date for new elections but held consultations with political party leaders and invited them to nominate members for a new cabinet. Guei said there would be total press freedom, but warned against journalistic "garbage."

The United States and Canada suspended aid to the country following the coup, but many Ivorians responded with cheers. Opposition Alassane Dramane Ouattara, who had been living in exile in France, returned to Côte d'Ivoire less than a week after the military takeover, which he called a "revolution" that would allow the restoration of democracy. The Bédié government had attempted to bar Ouattara from contesting the October 2000 presidential election based on strict nationality laws that have aggravated ethnic tensions in the country.

A court in November 1999 sentenced 11 Ouattara supporters to two years in jail. They included four members of parliament as well as the secretary-general of the Republican Rally party backing Ouattara. They, along with a number of other prisoners, were freed in the military revolt. Guei denied that he was setting the stage for a Ouattara presidency.

Côte d'Ivoire gained independence from France in 1960, and President Félix Houphouët-Boigny ruled until his death in 1993. During that period the country became an African model for economic growth and political stability. Efforts to break state control of the economy, however, have been undermined by government control of the country's political life. Increasing political and social unrest, as well as continued reports of corruption, are a threat to further investment. In June the European Union alleged that millions of dollars in aid money had been misused and initially suspended further disbursement of funds. Also hurting the economy has been a 40 percent plunge in the world price of cocoa, Côte d'Ivoire's chief export, over the past two years.

The country had retained strong political, economic, and military backing from France, which maintained a military garrison near Abidjan, and French military advisors served with many units of Côte d'Ivoire's 14,000-strong armed forces. It is unclear how the coup will immediately affect relations with France, where Bédié fled.

Political Rights and Civil Liberties

The last presidential poll in 1995 was boycotted by all of the major opposition parties and was neither free nor fair. The ruling Democratic Party of the Ivory Coast (PDCI) made profligate use of state resources, and Bédié was declared president with 95 percent of the vote. Demonstrations were banned, and the media were intimidated. At least 23 people were killed in communal clashes during protests against electoral misconduct. Opponents of Ouattara, a former prime minister and International Monetary Fund official, contended he was ineligible to participate in the 2000 polls because his parents allegedly were not Ivorian citizens.

The credibility of the November 1995 legislative elections was devalued by questionable voters' lists, bans on opposition demonstrations, and harassment of opposition supporters. The national assembly was overwhelmingly dominated by the ruling party, which holds 149 of the 175 seats. There is no genuinely independent election commission. President Bédié in 1998 initiated constitutional changes to expand presidential powers, reduce judicial independence, and dilute representative government by creating an upper house of parliament, with one-third of its members appointed by the president.

Several human rights organizations, including the Ivorian Human Rights League and the Ivorian Women's Movement, are active. Muslims complain of bias in both governmental and private spheres, although there is no evidence of systematic or official discrimination.

Côte d'Ivoire's economy has long attracted workers from neighboring countries. Immigrants constitute up to 40 percent of the total population, and resentment towards them was growing under Bédié. Some communities forced thousands of farmers home to Ghana, Mali, and Burkina Faso in 1999. The identity issue threatened to exacerbate political tension over Ouattara's presidential aspirations. The Republican Rally party accused the Bédié government of denying many potential opposition supporters voting rights under new citizenship laws.

Côte d'Ivoire's press largely applauded the military takeover. State-owned newspapers and a state-run broadcasting system under Bédié were usually unreservedly pro-government. Several private radio stations and a cable television service operate, but only the state broadcasting reaches a national audience. The private print media remained under threat of governmental repression when Bédié was in power. In September 1999, Abdoulaye Bakayoko, owner of the daily Liberal, was assassinated in Abidjan. That same month Lama Fofana, publisher of Liberation newspaper, which is associated with the opposition Republican Rally, was shot at while driving to the newspaper's offices. In October, unknown persons looted Liberation's technical offices and stoned the watchman to death. An Abidjan court in October indicted the publisher and an editor of Le Populaire newspaper on charges of distributing false news and sentenced them to six months in prison. They had incorrectly reported that police had killed a student demonstrator but had run a correction the next day. The publisher was later released.

Côte d'Ivoire does not have an independent judiciary, and the 1998 constitutional changes gave the president increased powers of judicial appointment. Judges are political appointees without tenure and are highly susceptible to external interference. Legal provisions regarding search warrants, rules of evidence, and pretrial detention are often ignored. In many rural areas, traditional courts still prevail, especially in the handling minor matters and family law. Very harsh prison conditions are reportedly ameliorated only for prisoners wealthy enough to pay for special treatment. Many deaths from diseases aggravated by poor diet and inadequate or nonexistent medical attention have been reported. A large portion of inmates are pretrial detainees who sometimes wait for years for a court date. Parliament in 1999 introduced capital punishment for the first time, sentencing six men to death for armed robbery in an effort to curb rising crime. There is still no provision in the law for carrying the punishment out.

Prison conditions for women are especially hazardous and mirror prevailing societal discrimination, despite official encouragement for respect for constitutional rights. Equal pay for equal work is offered in the small formal sector, but women have few chances to obtain or advance in wage employment. In rural areas that rely on subsistence agriculture, education and job opportunities for women are even scarcer. Female genital mutilation is still widespread although a law that made it a crime was adopted in 1998. Violence against women is reportedly common.

The Bédié government had sometimes taken harsh action against strikers, although union formation and membership are legally protected. For three decades, the General Union of Workers of Côte d'Ivoire was closely aligned to the sole legal party. The Federation of Autonomous Trade Unions of Côte d'Ivoire represents several independent unions formed since 1991. Notification and conciliation requirements must be met before legal strikes can be conducted. Collective bargaining agreements are often reached with the participation of government negotiators who influence wage settlements. In June 1999 public workers went on strike to press for the payment of salary arrears reportedly owed to them since the early 1980s.