Status: Partly Free
Legal Environment: 13 (of 30)
Political Environment: 30 (of 40)
Economic Environment: 16 (of 30)
Total Score: 59 (of 100)
(Lower scores = freer)
Freedom of the press is guaranteed by the 1991 constitution, but journalists have trouble exercising their rights in a country racked by a complex armed conflict involving left-wing guerrilla organizations, drug traffickers, paramilitary groups, and government security forces. Human rights organizations repeatedly expressed dismay over comments made by high-ranking government officials, including President Alvaro Uribe, who have chastised journalists for their reporting on the war. Journalists believe that such commentary stigmatizes them and puts them at risk for retribution. Though legal actions against journalists have declined in recent years, occasional criminal complaints and civil lawsuits continue to be filed against media outlets and reporters. Colombia's penal code does not contain provisions allowing journalists to be charged with contempt, but it does allow for slander and libel to be filed as criminal charges. The criminal procedure code also allows prosecutors to execute searches in advance of securing a warrant; this provision could make it easier for prosecutors to seize notes or information kept by journalists. In addition, media watchdogs decried as prior censorship a January court decision in Barranquilla that barred a local newspaper from disseminating further information regarding the results of a corruption investigation. In May, a large telephone-tapping scandal was uncovered that included at least 13 journalists. Also in May, the new Colombian Federation of Journalists was formed to advocate on reporters' behalf.
Colombia remains the most dangerous country for journalists in South America, and violence and harassment of journalists by state and nonstate actors are the primary impediments to a free media. The Bogota-based watchdog Fundacion para la Libertad de Prensa (FLIP) reported a 16% increase in violations of press freedom in 2007, with a spike in incidents occurring during September and October during the run-up to local and regional elections on October 28. Two journalists were killed during the year in acts potentially related to their occupation. In Choco, reporter Elacio Murillo Mosquero was shot and killed on January 10 in an incident, possibly in retaliation for his reports on the movements of armed groups in the area. Radio reporter Jose Dario Arroyave was killed in September in Cartago; authorities claimed it was unrelated to his work but past run-ins with local functionaries over corruption denunciations caused doubts among colleagues. Numerous threats against journalists occurred throughout the country, forcing at least 16 journalists to go into hiding or exile. Since 2000, the Ministries of Justice and the Interior have operated the Journalist Protection Program to assist with security, transportation, financial aid, and assistance to leave the country if necessary for those journalists who become targets; however, FLIP reported that of the 102 cases in which protection was recommended, in 45 the suggested measures went unimplemented. In sensitive cases, local journalists often consider it safer to leak information to large national outlets for publication or broadcast rather than break the stories themselves.
Paramilitaries and FARC rebels were implicated in the greatest number of threats and attacks against journalists. In August, the FARC threatened broadcasters in Arauca that they would suffer consequences if they refused to air rebel communiqués. Security forces were implicated in over a dozen violations of press freedom, often in the context of protests against state policies. In addition, FLIP reported that 90% of journalists believe that the government manipulates information regarding the armed conflict. Government investigations and prosecutions for crimes against journalists have been slow and inconclusive, contributing to an atmosphere of impunity. In 2005, the government established a special unit in the Office of the Public Prosecutor to deal specifically with cases involving the assassination of journalists, but the unit has been hamstrung by insufficient personnel and budgetary resources. Little progress was reported in the investigations into three murders committed in 2006, but several older cases received new boosts due to information divulged in the courtroom by paramilitaries engaged in a demobilization process. Unfortunately, the press was not allowed to view the testimony of these ex-fighters directly, making them reliant on information from prosecutors and often-intimidated victims.
Politicians, especially at the local level, frequently denounce members of the press as enemies. In 2007, President Uribe again mixed firm rhetoric regarding the need to protect provincial journalists' right to report with a display of anger toward individual reporters. Daniel Coronell of Semana, Carlos Lozano of Voz, and Gonzalo Guillen of Miami's El Nuevo Herald all experienced the wrath of Uribe for what the president considered irresponsible reporting; Guillen was forced to leave the country after receiving two dozen death threats. However, the press continued to play a prominent role investigating the "parapolitica" scandal concerning links between paramilitaries and the government.
Most of the country's media outlets are controlled by groups of private investors. The government operates 1 educational and 2 commercial television stations along with a national radio network. Although the Ministry of Communications has been active in promoting the development of community radio station, and over 400 stations are currently in operation, these stations sometimes come under pressure both from the government and from armed actors. Government advertising is an important source of revenue since local media depend heavily on advertising by provincial and municipal agencies in order to stay in business. Low salaries add to this financial dependence, which creates a powerful incentive for collusion among media owners, journalists, and officials that affects editorial views and news coverage. There is a widespread perception that journalists accept bribes in exchange for biased coverage. In August a majority stake in the country's paper of record, El Tiempo, was sold to Spanish investors. There were no reported cases of government monitoring or censoring the internet, which was used by roughly 22 percent of the population in 2007.
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