Freedom in the World 2004 - Ethiopia

Political Rights: 5
Civil Liberties: 5
Status: Partly Free
Population: 70,700,000
GNI/Capita: $100
Life Expectancy: 42
Religious Groups: Muslim (45-50 percent), Ethiopian Orthodox (35-40 percent), animist (12 percent), other
Ethnic Groups: Oromo (40 percent), Amhara and Tigrean (32 percent), Sidamo (9 percent), other (19 percent)
Capital: Addis Ababa

Overview

The year 2003 witnessed renewed tension with Eritrea in a dispute over borders, which had resulted in open warfare from 1998 until 2000. Press freedoms underwent some further restrictions during the year, including the closure of the Ethiopian Free Press Journalist's Association (EFJA), and the powers of the prime minister's office were strengthened.

One of the few African countries never to have been colonized, Ethiopia saw the end of a long tradition of imperial rule in 1974, when Emperor Haile Selassie was overthrown in a Marxist military coup. Colonel Mengistu Haile Mariam subsequently became the leader of a brutal dictatorship that was overthrown by a coalition of guerrilla groups in 1991. These groups were spearheaded by the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), itself an alliance of five parties.

The EPRDF government instituted a transition period that resulted in the establishment of formal democratic institutions. However, as expected, the EPRDF gained a landslide victory against a weak and divided opposition in the May 2000 legislative balloting. Although a handful of opposition candidates were elected, parliament subsequently reelected Prime Minister Meles Zenawi to another five-year term. Opposition parties and some observers criticized the government's conduct of the vote. They stated that the polls were subject to government interference, that the opposition was denied some access to the media, and that opposition supporters were subjected to harassment and detention. However, the opposition was able to engage in some criticism of the government in the media during the official election campaign, and a series of unprecedented public debates was broadcast over staterun radio and television during the electoral campaign.

In 2002, Ethiopia was admitted to the joint International Monetary Fund-World Bank Heavily Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC) initiative, which qualifies the country for debt relief.

The Eritrea-Ethiopia Boundary Commission (EEBC), a mediating body established to draw up a new border, announced its decision, which included assigning the border town of Badme to Eritrea in April 2002. The boundary commission's decisions were supposed to be binding on both sides, but Ethiopia formally rejected the EEBC decision, resulting in the indefinite postponement of the physical demarcation of the new border.

The powers of the prime minister and central government were strengthened with regard to intervening in the affairs of the country's states when public security is deemed to be at risk.

There has been continued guerrilla activity by the Oromo Liberation Front and other groups and heavy-handed government intimidation of regime opponents, especially in the southern Oromo-dominated region.

Political Rights and Civil Liberties

Ethiopia has yet to experience truly competitive elections. The country is a federation of 11 regions, with a bicameral legislature and an executive prime minister. The Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) has been in power since 1991, although six other major parties and numerous smaller ones participate in the political system. Executive power is vested in a prime minister, who is selected by the Council of People's Representatives. The first official multiparty elections to the council in 1995 were boycotted by the opposition.

The 1995 constitution has a number of unique features, including decentralization based on ethnicity and the right to secession. The government has devolved some power to regional and local governments. However, the reality differs from what is constitutionally mandated, in practice seriously limiting the right of the people to select their government. In 2003, the central government acquired additional powers to intervene in states' affairs in situations where public security was deemed to be at risk.

There are currently more than 60 legally recognized political parties active in Ethiopia, although the political scene continues to be dominated by the EPRDF. Opposition parties claim that their ability to function is seriously impeded by government harassment, although observers note that these parties are often reluctant to take part in the political process. Some parties have supported, either directly or indirectly, armed resistance to the government.

Although a 1992 law guarantees freedom of the press, journalists face an oppressive and restrictive press environment. The law forbids publishing articles that are defamatory, threaten the safety of the state, agitate for war, or incite ethnic conflict. Journalists also can be jailed for publishing secret court records. In 2002, Reporters Sans Frontieres criticized the jailing of three journalists who were imprisoned for "inventing news likely to demoralize the army and make people anxious," libel, and publishing "immoral and indecent material." Harassment and intimidation of the independent print media have led to significant self-censorship. Ethiopia currently has about 80 weekly and 30 monthly newspapers. Broadcast media remain under close scrutiny by the government.

In late 2003, the government closed the Ethiopian Free Press Journalist's Association (EFJA) office on the basis that it had failed to renew its license. This action came, however, after the EFJA had criticized the development of a controversial new draft press law currently under consideration by the government. The International Federation of Journalists has also expressed its strong concerns about the future of the free press, given government actions to limit input from those directly concerned regarding the new press law. Under the proposed law, the government may impose heavy fines and jail sanctions by linking the new press law to the criminal code.

Constitutionally mandated religious freedom is generally respected, although religious tensions have risen in recent years. The Ethiopian Coptic Church is influential, particularly in the north. In the south there is a large Muslim community, made up mainly of Arabs, Somalis, and Oromos.

The government limits academic freedom. In April 2001, students went on strike at the leading institution of higher education, Addis Ababa University, to protest the government's repressive policies and seek an end to police brutality. The strikes and the response by security forces resulted in more than 40 deaths and 200 injuries. Hundreds were arrested, including prominent human rights leaders. According to Human Rights Watch and the Ethiopian Human Rights Council, in early 2002, five students were killed and dozens arrested as Oromiya state police violently dispersed peaceful marches by high school students protesting regional government educational and land policies, and in July continued unrest resulted in additional violence.

Freedom of association is limited. There is a small but growing civil society sector, which has been subject to some restrictions by the government, including arbitrary harassment, suspensions, and bannings. Meetings called by the Addis Ababa Teachers' Association in 2002, for example, were forbidden by the City Administration, which said the association had no legal recognition by the government.

Freedom of trade unions to bargain and strike has not yet been fully tested. The law governing trade unions states that a trade organization may not act in an overtly political manner. Some union leaders have been removed from their elected office or forced to leave the country. All unions have to be registered, although the government still retains the authority to cancel union registration.

The judiciary is officially independent, although there are no significant examples of decisions at variance with government policy. In May 2002, the International Federation of Human Rights charged that "serious human rights violations persist in Ethiopia." These are in part due to the imperial nature of state authority, whereby there is a long history of domination of ethnic groups by others. One flash point has been a decade-long armed struggle for the autonomy of the state of Oromia. The state government, the federal police, and the military have a history of repression and abuse, mainly involving Oromo intellectuals and community leaders who are viewed as sympathetic to the rebel Oromo Liberation Front. Refugees who have fled to neighboring countries in the past decade have told of widespread use of torture and extrajudicial killings in the region.

Women traditionally have few land or property rights and, especially in rural areas, few opportunities for employment beyond agricultural labor. Violence against women and social discrimination are reportedly common despite legal protections.