Freedom in the World 1999 - Mozambique

1999 Scores

Status: Partly Free
Freedom Rating: 3.5
Civil Liberties: 4
Political Rights: 3

Overview

Mozambique's political scene in 1999 was dominated by preparations for presidential and legislative elections, which took place in December. The elections returned President Joaquim Chissano and the ruling Frelimo (Front for the Liberation of Mozambique) to power, despite a strong showing by the opposition in the parliamentary elections. The polls were marred by logistical and administrative difficulties, but were generally viewed by Mozambicans and the international community as expressing the will of the people. These national elections, the second since Mozambique adopted a pluralist multiparty system, mark an important step in the country's democratic development.

Portuguese traders and settlers arrived in the late fifteenth century. Full-scale colonization did not begin until the seventeenth century. In 1962,), was established and launched a military campaign to drive out the Portuguese. In 1975 Mozambique gained independence. A one-party system was implemented, with Frelimo as the sole legal party and the party leader, Samora Machel, as president of the republic. Independence was followed by 16 years of civil war against the rebels of the Renamo, or the Resistencia Nacional de Mocambique (Mozambique National Resistance), a guerrilla army supported first by Rhodesia (Zimbabwe) and later by South Africa.

In 1986 President Machel was killed in an airplane crash; Chissano became president. In 1989 Frelimo formally abandoned Marxism-Leninism in favor of democratic socialism and a market economy. In 1992 a ceasefire was signed, followed by a full peace agreement. Renamo recognised the government's legitimacy and agreed to begin operating as the opposition political party.

In 1994 the first multiparty elections were held. The elections attracted a 90 percent turnout and were judged a resounding success by Mozambicans and the international community despite a last-minute pre-election boycott call by Renamo, which accused Frelimo of fraud. Renamo was subsequently convinced to participate by its international sponsors, and its leader, Alfonso Dhaklama, captured 33.7 percent of the presidential vote as against 53.3 percent for the incumbent, Chissano. The parliamentary vote was much closer, although Frelimo won a narrow, but workable, majority.

Only about 15 percent of registered voters participated in local elections in 1998. The campaign and voting were seen as largely free and fair although Frelimo's sweeping victory in all 33 contests was tainted by a boycott by Renamo and the Democratic Union, the only other party represented in the parliament.

Political divisions continue to characterize the country six years after negotiations ended 20 years of anticolonial and civil war. Frelimo maintains its dominance of government institutions. Renamo, its former guerrilla foe and now primary parliamentary opponent, complains bitterly of official manipulation of elections and international aid to secure the ruling party's position. Abuses by myriad security forces and banditry are endemic. While economic growth has continued with extensive foreign aid, widespread corruption has damaged the government's standing.

Political Rights and Civil Liberties

Mozambicans are able to select their president and parliament through competitive electoral processes, although this freedom is particularly constrained by the social, political and economic ravages of years of civil war, in addition to a lack of familiarity with democratic practices. Democratic consolidation remains tenuous, but presidential and parliamentary elections of December 1999, together with Mozambique's previous elections, mark an important step forward.

International assistance continues to play an important role in supporting Mozambique's democratization process. For example, more than 80 percent of those eligible registered to vote in the 1999 elections as part of a $40 million election process largely funded by the European Union and other donors. More controversially, even some political campaigns were supported by foreign money.

Disagreements over the terms of access to public funding for political parties hindered Renamo's ability to draw on these funds for its campaign. The National Elections Commission (NCE) was criticized by opposition parties and some independent observers for alleged pro-Frelimo bias.

Parliament is active and an important player in the political process, although its power is overshadowed by that of the executive branch. Important issues considered by parliament in 1999 included those of constitutional reform on the questions of whether greater powers are to be vested in the parliament and whether there should be further decentralization at the regional level.

Mozambicans have a choice in terms of parties, although ideological differences between Frelimo and Renamo have narrowed since the end of the civil war. Both parties are criticized for lacking compelling messages for the country's seven million voters. Renamo has been accused of maintaining groups of armed former guerillas. It has admitted that some ex-guerrillas may still be active, but that they have yet to be incorporated into the new police force, as provided for under the 1994 peace agreement.

The independent media have enjoyed moderate growth, but publications in Maputo have little influence in the largely illiterate rural population. Criminal libel laws are another important deterrent to open expression. The constitution protects media freedom, but the state controls nearly all broadcast media and owns or influences all of the largest newspapers. There are more than a dozen licensed private radio and television stations, which also exercise some degree of self-censorship. The opposition receives inadequate coverage in government media, especially in national radio and television.

In January 1999, a watchdog commission, the Conselho Superior de Comunicacao Social (CSCS), criticized government policy towards the media. CSCS seeks a revision of the law on media concerning the right of access to government information sources and the conditions for seeking "right of reply." CSCS considers parts of the media law to be undemocratic because they, in effect, place limits on what can be printed about the president.

Nongovernmental organizations, including the Mozambican Human Rights League, are free to operate openly and issue critical reports. International human rights and humanitarian groups are also allowed to operate in the country. There is no reported interference with free religious practice.

Corruption within the legal sector remains a serious problem. A report by the Human Rights and Development Association (HRDA), in August, charged that rampant corruption within Mozambique's crumbling judicial system has robbed thousands of citizens of their right to a fair trial. The report suggested that Mozambique's constitution, which guarantees citizens the right to a speedy and fair trial with legal representation, was being undermined by the crisis. The HRDA report also criticized Mozambican jails as "massively overcrowded." The major Beira prison was built for only 120 inmates but currently holds between 600 and 700 prisoners. The overcrowding has caused burst sewers in the prison and "extremely dangerous" health conditions. According to the report, at least one prisoner dies every week at the Beira prison as a direct result of the conditions.

Criminal suspects are usually detained for many months before appearing in court without any formal defense. Then they are tried only in the official language, Portuguese, which many Mozambicans speak very poorly. Mozambique has only 170 judges or magistrates and an estimated 200 defense lawyers for a population of 15 million. These problems are compounded by bureaucratic red tape. Bribery of judges by lawyers is alleged to be common practice. For example, judges regularly set bail so low on serious crimes that suspects simply fled justice.

During the period of one-party rule, Frelimo tightly controlled Mozambique's labor movement. The Organization of Mozambican Workers, the country's major trade confederation, is now nominally independent. The Organization of Free and Independent Unions, a more independent group, was formed in 1994. All workers in nonessential services have the right to strike. The right to bargain collectively is legally protected.

Freedom of assembly is broadly guaranteed, but limited by notification and timing restrictions. Women suffer from both legal and societal discrimination. Domestic violence is reportedly common, despite initiatives by the government and civic groups to reduce it. Despite some economic gains, the country remains among the world's poorest and suffers from one of the world's highest infant mortality rates.