Freedom in the World 1999 - Tanzania

1999 Scores

Status: Partly Free
Freedom Rating: 4.0
Civil Liberties: 4
Political Rights: 4

Ratings Change

Tanzania's political rights rating changed from 5 to 4 due to a negotiated agreement on Zanzibar's political status.

Overview

Tanzanian politics in 1999 were marked by the death of retired former President Julius Nyerere, who had led the country for most of its independence. An important accord addressing highly sensitive political issues regarding a fraudulent 1995 election in the federated semi-autonomous isles of Zanzibar and Pemba was finalized after arduous negotiations, but the longer-term relationship between the mainland and the islands remains unclear. Tanzania prepares for parliamentary and presidential elections in 2000, the second since the reintroduction of multiparty politics. Political tensions, which have traditionally been lower than in many countries in the region, are likely to rise as the ruling Chama Cha Mapazindi (CCM) appears set to maintain its hold on power through the advantages of incumbency and splits within the opposition.

After Tanzania gained independence from Britain in 1961, the CCM, under President Nyerere, dominated the country's political life. The Zanzibar and Pemba Islands were merged with Tanganyika to become the Union of Tanzania after Arab sultans who had long ruled the islands were deposed in a violent 1964 revolution. For much of his presidency President Nyerere espoused a collectivist economic philosophy known in Swahili as ujaama. Although it may have been useful in promoting a sense of community and nationality, this policy resulted in significant economic dislocation and decline, the effects of which continue to be felt. During Nyerere's tenure, Tanzania also played an important role as a Front Line State in the international response to white-controlled regimes in southern Africa.

Nyerere retained strong influence after he officially retired in 1985. Although opposition parties were legalized in 1992, the CCM continues to dominate the country's political life and it won several parliamentary by-elections in 1999. Democratic consolidation and strong economic growth are unlikely until the party sheds its authoritarian instincts.

Although Tanzania has avoided the civil strife that has wracked many of its neighbors, there are a number of serious issues that could affect the country's stability. These include mainland Tanzania's long-term relationship with the Zanzibar archipelago, the stability of the ruling CCM, the presence in western Tanzania of 800,000 refugees from Burundi, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, and Rwanda, and the need for relief of the country's $8 billion debt.

Political Rights and Civil Liberties

The ability of Tanzanians to freely choose their political leaders is not yet entrenched in practice. Legislative and presidential elections in 1995 were the most open on mainland Tanzania since independence, but the CCM's landslide legislative victory was in particular seriously tainted by fraud and administrative irregularities. In addition, extensive use of state broadcasting and other government resources during the campaign favored the ruling party. The CCM won 80 percent of the 232 directly elected seats in the national assembly. The voting in Zanzibar was plainly fraudulent, with the island's high court summarily rejecting opposition demands for fresh polls.

Thirteen opposition parties have formal status. Some of them are active, but they tend to be divided and ineffective. The largest opposition party, the National Convention for Constitution and Reform (NCCR-Mageuzi, whose candidate, Augustine Mrema, was runner-up to President Benjamin Mkapa in the 1995 presidential election) has split into two. Parties with parliamentary representation receive government subsidies, but they criticize the low level of funding and the formula on which it is allocated.

The CCM and the opposition Civic United Front (CUF) reached an agreement in 1999 that potentially could permit the will of the Zanzibaris to be democratically expressed through legitimate elections. This agreement makes provision for the reorganization of the Zanzibar Electoral Commission in order to make it more independent prior to the elections next year. An Inter-Parties Committee formed of equal numbers of CCM and CUF members will be charged with supervising this agreement.

President Mkapa demonstrates considerable sensitivity over actions of the political opposition. He has warned, for example, that the multiparty political system should not be used as a pretext to indulge in criminal political activities in the country. Mrema was arrested in late 1999 with six other politicians for allegedly making a "seditious and inciting" speech against Tanzanian state leaders.

Tanzania's judiciary has displayed signs of autonomy after decades of subservience to the one-party CCM regime, but it remains subject to considerable political influence. Constitutional protections for the right to free assembly are generally, but not always, respected. Laws allow rallies only by officially registered political parties, which may not be formed on religious, ethnic, or regional bases and cannot oppose the union of Zanzibar and the mainland. Freedom of religion is respected.

Print and electronic media are active, but media impact is largely limited to major urban areas. Private radio and television stations began receiving licenses at the beginning of 1994, but they are not allowed to cover more than 25 percent of the country's territory, according to the 1993 Broadcasting Act. The stated rationale for the limitation is to protect national interests. The Act also aims to avoid monopoly and the abuse of the electronic media. The government announced in 1999 that the official Tanzania news agency, Shihata, would be shut down as a result of competition following the liberalization of the media. In Zanzibar the government controls the electronic media.

Arrest and pretrial detention laws are often ignored. Prison conditions are harsh, and police abuses are said to be common. In November Tanzania's police commissioner complained that 45,000 inmates were being held in jails that should accommodate only 21,000. Many nongovernmental organizations are active, but some human rights groups have experienced difficulties in receiving required official registration. The broad distribution of Tanzania's population among many ethnic groups has largely diffused potential ethnic rivalries that have wracked neighboring countries.

Women's rights guaranteed by the constitution and other laws are not seriously protected. Especially in rural areas and in Zanzibar, traditional or Islamic customs discriminatory toward women prevail in family law, and women have fewer educational and economic opportunities. Domestic violence against women is reportedly common and rarely prosecuted. Human rights groups have sought laws to bar forced marriages, which are most common among Tanzania's coastal peoples. The employment of children as domestic servants is widespread.

Workers do not have the right to organize and join trade unions freely. Essential workers are barred from striking. Other workers' right to strike is restricted by complex notification and mediation requirements. Collective bargaining effectively exists only in the small private sector. Approximately 85 percent of Tanzania's people survive through subsistence agriculture. Economic decline in Zanzibar continues to dim the entire country's prospects.

Corruption remains a serious problem, although the government has made some attempts to address it. In 1996 President Mkapa dismissed the Dar es Salaam city council for alleged corruption. He created the Commission of Ethics, whose purpose is to assure greater openness and transparency in the government's financial dealings. Members of the government must submit written documents to the commission disclosing their personal finances.

In reality, however, the government has not succeeded in curbing corruption. Tanzania ranked near the bottom on Transparency International's 1998 corruption perception index. Corruption and mismanagement have hindered growth and reduced confidence in the current administration. Interpol has warned that Tanzania has become a major center for the transport of drugs from Asia to Europe.

Religious tensions between Muslems and other faiths, especially Christians, remained high in the wake of the 1998 bombing of the U.S. embassy and other instances of interfaith violence. In May the vice president announced that Committee for Muslims' Rights, led by the fugitive Sheikh Ponda Issa Ponda would be banned, and that the government has identified religious groups that had been aided by foreign agents to foment unrest.