Freedom in the World 1998 - Côte d'Ivoire

1998 Scores

Status: Not Free
Freedom Rating: 5.0
Civil Liberties: 4
Political Rights: 6

Overview

President Henri Konan Bédié initiated constitutional changes to expand presidential powers, reduce judicial independence, and dilute representative government by creating an upper house of parliament, with one-third of its members appointed by the president. With elections in late 2000, the presidential term will be extended to seven years, and Bédié will have new powers to delay or cancel polls entirely. Opposition parties and civic groups have strongly protested the changes. In December, however, the ruling Democratic Party of the Ivory Coast (PDCI) and the principal opposition Ivorian Popular Front Party (FPI) signed an accord providing for a new national election commission, revised campaign finance rules, and amnesty for opposition supporters imprisoned during the "active boycott" of the 1995 presidential election.

The 2000 elections are likely to be contested by reformist Alassane Dramane Ouattara, a former prime minister and now senior World Bank official, although the Bédié regime is expected to seek his disqualification on the basis that he was not born in Côte d'Ivoire. A major economic aid and debt forgiveness package arranged by international donors in February could boost the country's economy, although alleged endemic corruption by Bédié and the PDCI may hamper equitable growth.

Côte d'Ivoire retains strong political, economic, and military backing from France, its former colonial power and main trading partner. France maintains a military garrison near Abidjan, and its advisors serve with many units of Côte d'Ivoire's 14,000-strong armed forces. American military trainers visited the country this year to train security forces in controlling crowds and conducting humanitarian missions.

Political Rights and Civil Liberties

President Bédié was declared president with 95 percent of the vote in a 1995 presidential election that was neither free nor fair. Alassane Ouattara, the opposition's most formidable candidate, was barred from the contest. Many of the 40 percent of Ivorians who share his Muslim faith viewed his exclusion as an act of religious discrimination.

The presidential poll was boycotted by all of the major opposition parties. Demonstrations were banned, and the media were intimidated. At the same time, the ruling party made profligate use of state resources. At least 23 people were killed in communal clashes during protests against electoral misconduct. The credibility of the November 1995 legislative elections was devalued by dubious voters' lists, bans on opposition demonstrations, and harassment of opposition supporters. The National Assembly is overwhelmingly dominated by the ruling PDCI, which holds 149 of the 175 seats. There is no genuinely independent election commission.

Only a few of the more than 40 officially registered political parties are active. Official harassment and lack of unity hamper the opposition FPI and Rally for a Democratic Republic, but there are signs that the parties may align to support Alassane Ouattara's candidacy if the scheduled elections are held in 2000. A requirement for private associations to register with the government may be unconstitutional, but has not generally been used to ban groups. Several human rights organizations, including the Ivorian Human Rights League and the Ivorian Women's Movement, are active in the country. Muslims complain of bias in both governmental and private spheres, although there is no evidence of systematic or official discrimination.

State-owned newspapers and state-run broadcasting are usually unreservedly pro-government. Several private radio stations and a cable television service operate, but only the state broadcasting reaches a national audience. The private print media continued their role of watchdog and advocate, but remained under threat of governmental repression. "Insulting the president," "threatening public order," and "defaming or undermining the reputation of the state" are criminal offenses that authorities interpret broadly to silence unwanted criticism.

Côte d'Ivoire does not have an independent judiciary, and the 1998 constitutional changes give the president increased powers of judicial appointment. Judges are political appointees without tenure and are highly susceptible to external interference. Legal provisions regarding search warrants, rules of evidence, and pretrial detention are often ignored. An August 1996 law denounced by human rights groups gave police sweeping new search powers. The Special Anticrime Police Brigade reportedly follows an officially sanctioned shoot-to-kill policy in confrontations with suspected criminals. In many rural areas, traditional courts still prevail, especially in handling minor matters and family law. Very harsh prison conditions are reportedly ameliorated only for prisoners wealthy enough to pay for special treatment. Many deaths from diseases aggravated by a poor diet and inadequate or nonexistent medical attention have been reported. A large portion of inmates are pretrial detainees who sometimes wait for years for a court date.

Prison conditions for women are especially hazardous and mirror prevailing societal discrimination, despite official encouragement for respect for constitutional rights. Equal pay for equal work is offered in the small formal sector, but women have few chances to obtain or advance in wage employment. In rural areas that rely on subsistence agriculture, education and job opportunities for women are even scarcer. Violence against women is reportedly common. A 1998 study by the Ivorian Association for the Defense of Women's Rights found that more than 80 percent of women in Abidjan had been victims of violence by their partners. Female genital mutilation is still widespread.

The government has sometimes taken harsh action against strikers, although union formation and membership are legally protected. For three decades, the General Union of Workers of Côte d'Ivoire was closely aligned to the sole legal party. The Federation of Autonomous Trade Unions of Côte d'Ivoire represents several independent unions formed since 1991. Notification and conciliation requirements must be met before legal strikes can be conducted. Collective bargaining agreements are often reached with the participation of government negotiators who influence wage settlements.

The privatization of many of the Côte d'Ivoire's state-run corporations continues and is attracting renewed foreign investment. The launching of a West African regional stock market in September could also stimulate growth. The IMF and World Bank announced a three-year $385 million aid package in February. Whether the current regime will apply this aid to genuine economic development and improved social services remains unclear. Charges of pervasive corruption persist, and poverty remains endemic.