Freedom in the World 1999 - Uganda
| Publisher | Freedom House |
| Publication Date | 1999 |
| Cite as | Freedom House, Freedom in the World 1999 - Uganda, 1999, available at: https://www.refworld.org/docid/5278c6cb11.html [accessed 17 September 2023] |
| Disclaimer | This is not a UNHCR publication. UNHCR is not responsible for, nor does it necessarily endorse, its content. Any views expressed are solely those of the author or publisher and do not necessarily reflect those of UNHCR, the United Nations or its Member States. |
1999 Scores
Status: Partly Free
Freedom Rating: 5.0
Civil Liberties: 5
Political Rights: 5
Ratings Change
Uganda's political rights and civil liberties ratings changed from 4 to 5 due to tightened political controls in the run-up to a 2000 constitutional referendum on whether to lift restrictions on political parties, and increased government intimidation of the press.
Overview
A tense regional situation and a controversy over an upcoming referendum on whether to remove a ban on political party activities have dominated Ugandan politics. In Kampala, which used to be one of Africa's safer cities, rebels have set off about 20 bombs in the past two years, killing some 45 people. The murder of 8 tourists in western Uganda in March focussed international attention on instability in that part of the country. The Ugandan military remains directly involved in civil strife in the eastern part of the Democratic Republic of the Congo.
President Yoweri Museveni's National Resistance Movement (NRM) dominates the nation's political life. The government appears increasingly determined to ensure that the referendum results in continuing restrictions on political parties. Opposition parties are divided over whether to boycott the referendum. The press and civil society remain relatively free and active, despite some crackdowns. In addition, the parliament has becomes increasingly assertive, occasionally rejecting appointments or policy initiatives proposed by the executive branch.
Uganda has experienced considerable political instability since independence from Britain in 1962. An increasingly authoritarian president, Milton Obote, was overthrown by Idi Amin in 1971. Amin's brutality and buffoonery made world headlines as hundreds of thousands of people were killed. Amin's 1978 invasion of Tanzania finally led to his demise. Tanzanian forces and Ugandan exiles routed Amin's army and prepared for Obote's return to power in the fraudulent 1980 elections. Obote and his backers from northern Uganda savagely repressed his critics, who were primarily from southern Ugandan ethnic groups. Approximately 250,000 people were killed as political opponents were tortured and murdered and soldiers terrorized the countryside. Obote was ousted for a second time in a 1985 army coup. Conditions continued to worsen until Museveni led his National Resistance Army into Kampala in January 1986.
Manipulation and exploitation of ethnic divisions pose the gravest threat to peace in Uganda. Baganda people in the country's south are demanding more recognition of their traditional kingdom. Northern ethnic groups complain of government neglect; that region, with the west, are subject to continuing guerilla activities.
Political Rights and Civil Liberties
Uganda's only open multiparty elections were held in 1961 in preparation for the country's independence from Britain. Since 1986, political parties have been banned, and candidates stand as individuals in elections. Museveni did not ban the old political parties; they were, however, prevented from operating. Arguing that first-past-the-post democracy exacerbates religious and ethnic tensions in Africa, Museveni substituted a "no-party" system. Since 1996 when he was confirmed by an election as president, his government's base has narrowed, and any distinction between Uganda and a single-party state appears to be academic. Several assemblies or meetings organized by opposition and civil society groups were violently broken up by police because they were deemed "political". A 1999 report by an independent non-governmental organization, Human Rights Watch, concludes that "the NRM has consolidated its monopoly on political power through exclusive access to state funding and machinery, widespread and sometimes compulsory political education programs."
In 1996, Ugandans voted for their president and parliamentarians in elections without open party competition. State media and other official resources were mobilized in support of Museveni's successful candidacy, and the ban on formal party activities further hindered the opposition. Most observers believe that Museveni would have won handily in a multiparty contest and described the balloting and counting as largely transparent. The opposition claimed that the elections were rigged and boycotted subsequent parliamentary polls. Supporters of the opposition parties were allowed to contest on an individual basis, and several were elected. Overall, the elections maintained the NRM's hold on the legislature, its comfortable majority buttressed by dozens of presidentially nominated special interest representatives.
Central political power rests firmly in the hands of the NRM. Important policy issues, such as the decision to intervene directly in the war in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, are taken without significant public or parliamentary debate or input. Nonetheless, some space is allowed for parliament and civil society to function. Parliament, for example, has occasionally censured government ministers accused of corruption and forced budgetary amendments. The Uganda Human Rights Activists, the Uganda Law Society, and the Foundation for Human Rights Initiatives are among nongovernmental organizations that focus directly on human rights issues. There is no state religion, and freedom of worship is constitutionally protected and respected. Various Christian sects and the country's Muslim minority practice their creeds freely.
With parliamentary approval, the president names a judicial commission that oversees judicial appointments. The judiciary is still influenced by the executive despite increasing autonomy. It is also constrained by inadequate resources and the army's occasional refusal to respect civilian courts. At times the government liberally applies the charge of treason against nonviolent political dissidents. According to Human Rights Watch, more than 1,000 persons are currently incarcerated in Uganda, awaiting trial on treason charges. Local courts are subject to bribery and corruption. Prison conditions are difficult, especially in local jails. More than 500 prisoners die annually as a result of poor diet, sanitation, and medical care. Serious human rights violations by rebel groups and the Uganda People's Defense Forces have been reported.
There is some freedom of expression. The independent print media, which include more than two dozen daily and weekly newspapers, are often highly critical of the government and offer a range of opposition views. Buttressed by legislation limiting press freedoms, however the government at times selectively arrests or harasses journalists. Several private radio stations and two private television stations report on local political developments. The largest newspapers and broadcasting facilities that reach rural areas remain state-owned. Governmental corruption is reported. Opposition positions are also presented, but the coverage is often not balanced.
Women experience discrimination based on traditional law, particularly in rural areas, and are treated unequally under inheritance, divorce, and citizenship statutes. A woman cannot obtain a passport without her husband's permission. Domestic violence against women is widespread. President Museveni has courted controversy by speaking out strongly against homosexuals.
The National Organization of Trade Unions, the country's largest labor federation, is independent of the government and political parties. An array of essential workers is barred from forming unions. Strikes are permitted only after a lengthy reconciliation process.
Most Ugandans are subsistence farmers. Despite overall growth under president Museveni, Uganda's economy has recently slowed. The United Nations categorizes 40 per cent of the population as living in poverty. Foreign-aid donors, who pay more than half of his government's running costs, are increasingly concerned. In March the International Monetary Fund delayed an $18 million loan to Uganda, largely because of increased defense spending. Aid donors calculate that corruption costs Uganda at least $200 million a year.