Bangladesh: Information on women and politics, part 3 of 6: Political parties, women politicians and parliamentary activity

National Politics

        The sources consulted for this Response indicate that women in Bangladesh have generally had limited representation in the mainstream political parties, and that women's issues and perspectives have been a low priority on the agendas of most parties (IWRAW Dec. 1992, 2; Ahmed 1987, 7; New Left Review Mar.-Apr. 1988, 118). One source states that women candidates for political office were "a rarity" during the 1970s and 1980s (Bangladesh: A Country Study 1989, 184), while another explains that "the right to be a candidate for office ... depends on the good will of the party to which one belongs" (World Bank 1990, 19). Writing in the late 1980s, Ahmed states that while progress has been made and women are beginning to act collectively, they still "are not politically articulate or organized in a significant manner," and are "far from being a powerful and cohesive lobbying unit" (1987, 7). A 1990 source indicates that "women are becoming more visible through their representation in local bodies and the national parliament" (World Bank 1990, 8). According to the International Women's Rights Action Watch (IWRAW), a US-based network of Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) monitoring groups, the 27 February 1991 general election "demonstrated that women's awareness of political issues is increasing" (Dec. 1992, 2); an "unusually large" number of women, drawn by the two women front runners, turned out to cast their ballots (Reuters 27 Feb. 1991).

Only two of the 1,075 candidates who ran for the general seats in the 1973 election were women, and both lost (Ahmed 1987, 8; Jahan 1982a, 270). Of the 2,125 candidates who ran in the 1979 election, 17 were women and none were elected (Ahmed 1987, 8). Three of the 17 women candidates in the 1986 election won (ibid.). Four women were elected in March 1988 in a low turnout election that was boycotted by the major parties (ibid.). According to Asiaweek, a record number of women ran for the 300 general seats in the 1991 election; 33 of the approximately 2,700 candidates were women (1 Mar. 1991). The United Nations reported in 1993 that there were 37 women members of parliament (28 May 1993, 58), indicating that only seven women were elected to general seats in the 1991 elections (ibid.).

Rounaq Jahan, author of "Purdah and Participation: Women in the Politics of Bangladesh," reported in 1982 that a woman MP had never been appointed to cabinet, although two women had served as ministers of state, a less important position, in "typically women's ministries" such as Education and Health (1982a, 270). Two women MPs were appointed ministers of state following the 1991 election: Jahanara Begum, Minister for Culture, and Sarwari Rahman, Social Welfare and Women's Affairs (FEER 3 Oct. 1991).

Some sources indicate that there are a number of constraints on women entering politics, although in a 1974 survey, women politicians indicated that they believed there were no barriers (Jalal 1975, 208, 211). Reported constraints include a "lack of independent sources of finance and of the opportunities to establish themselves in the party leadership" (New Left Review Mar.-Apr. 1988, 117; Jahan 1982a, 278). Purdah, the practice of separate worlds for men and women may also serve as an obstacle, restricting women's participation in society to the domestic sphere and making it difficult for "respectable" women to attend political events such as demonstrations and rallies, or to meet and form relationships with other people, especially men, in an organizational setting (ibid., 274-75, 278; ibid. 1982b, 13; New Left Review Mar.-Apr. 1988, 117). As are other traditional norms governing women's behaviour, purdah practices are especially strong in the rural areas (Halim 30 May 1995). For the few women who choose to enter the political arena, the requirements of purdah can make it difficult to advance a political career (ibid.; Jahan 1982a, 274-75). Although the institution of seclusion is being challenged as poverty forces more women to seek employment outside the home (Huq 1989, 203-04; World Bank 1990, 7-8; White 1992, 23), the ideals of purdah modesty, humility, domesticity and noninvolvement in public life are still strong, even if physical seclusion is not as commonly practised (ibid.)

According to World Encyclopedia of Political Systems and Parties, ideological issues play a limited role in Bangladeshi politics, especially in the rural areas (1987, 80). Of greater importance are kinship ties, personalities and the manipulation of patron-client relationships (ibid., 79-80).(1) The factional nature of politics in Bangladesh requires that aspiring young politicians first find a patron (Jahan 1982a, 275). However, according to Jahan, not only is it difficult for a young woman politician to enter into such a relationship with an older male politician, unlike a man, who can use this relationship to political advantage, a young woman politician risks having it misconstrued and her political career consequently ruined (ibid.). According to Jahan, this makes it "nearly impossible for women to work in grassroots politics" (ibid., 275-76).

Violence, or the threat of violence, may be another factor for aspiring women politicians to consider. For example, at the University of Dhaka in 1990, female Awami League student wing members who organized a political protest on campus were verbally and physically harassed by male Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) student wing members (Halim 30 May 1995). The male students, seeking to intimidate their Awami League rivals, assaulted the women and made sexually explicit threats (ibid.).

Although several sources indicate that women with family or kin connections to powerful male politicians are most likely to succeed in politics (Jahan 1982a, 276; Ahmed 1987, 7; New Left Review Mar.-Apr. 1988, 118; Halim 30 May 1995), Najma Chowdhury indicates that a lack of such connections does not preclude a successful political career (1994, 100). Pointing to the careers of several prominent Awami League women currently there are four women members on the Awami League's presidium, its highest decision-making body (ASK 27 Aug. 1995) she states that "women without famous political fathers and husbands can still advance to the higher echelons" (1994, 100). Chowdhury further describes as "politically significant" the instances of "political consolidation by a few women within the [BNP] organization during [its] movement phase ... in the 1980s" (ibid.). Nevertheless, she concedes that such success often comes after "decades of extensive political involvement and sacrifice" (ibid.), and points to Sheikh Hasina and Khaleda Zia as examples of politicians whose success "transcend[s] the routine and formal structures of the parties" (ibid.).

All of the major political parties have women's auxiliaries or parallel organizations for women (Political Parties of the World 1988, 37, 41; Halim 30 May 1995; ASK 27 Aug. 1995) whose primary purpose is to solicit support for their respective parties (ibid.; New Left Review Mar.-Apr. 1988, 118). The women's branches are active primarily around welfare issues and pressuring the government to reform family and personal law (Kabeer 1991, 137; New Left Review Mar.-Apr. 1988, 118). According to Dr. Hameeda Hossain, a member of the Dhaka-based human rights and legal aid centre Ain O Salish Kendra (ASK), the major platform of the Jatiya Mahila, the Jatiya Party women's wing, which is composed of "handpicked women who follow the party policies," is to demand the release of their jailed leader, General Ershad (ASK 27 Aug. 1995). In Dr. Hossain's opinion, the role of the Jatiya Mahila is "purely political" (ibid.).

According to both Dr. Hossain and Sadeka Halim, a PhD candidate in sociology specializing in women and development issues in Bangladesh and India at McGill University in Montréal, the women's wings tend to be marginalized within the main party and often are not included in party activities (ASK 27 Aug. 1995; 30 May 1995). Halim indicates that one exception to this rule would be during strikes and street demonstrations, when women party members may be positioned at the head of a procession to prevent or forestall attacks from the police (ibid.).

While the women's branches of the major parties profess to support equal rights for women (Kabeer 1991, 137; New Left Review Mar.-Apr. 1988, 118; Journal of Social Studies 1985, 53), Halim states that few male politicians take women's issues seriously (Halim 30 May 1995). Rehnuma Ahmed, writing in the Journal of Social Studies, indicates that the parties themselves are "committed to the idea of women as basically wives and mothers" (1985, 53). According to Ahmed, the women's fronts employ rhetoric about the exploitation of women in a male-dominated society (ibid., 52) and most parties have made some sort of commitment to fight the "abuse" and "repression" of women (Begum 1985, 19; ASK 27 Aug. 1995), however, their consciousness about women's issues is low; for example, employment and workplace issues are perceived as being relevant only to "destitute women" (Journal of Social Studies 1985, 53; New Left Review Mar.-Apr. 1988, 118). Except during elections and other "opportune moments," women's issues are generally not aired from party platforms (Begum 1985, 19; ASK 27 Aug. 1995). One 1985 source indicates that the "leftist progressive" parties are only marginally better in demonstrating concern for women's issues than are the major parties (Begum 1985, 19). Among the current generation of political leaders, neither Prime Minister Khaleda Zia nor opposition leader Sheikh Hasina, both of whom "inherited the haloes" of powerful assassinated male political leaders (Chowdhury 1994, 100; Ahmed 1987, 7), has a history of voicing strong views on women's issues, preferring instead to exemplify the traditional virtues of caution, modesty, compliance with social expectations and deference to established authority (ibid.).

An example of the potential problems faced by women law makers who do speak up on behalf of women can be found in the recent experiences of Farida Rahman, a BNP woman MP who for three years has been trying to introduce a bill in parliament to better protect women's rights (The Houston Chronicle 12 Mar. 1995). Consideration of the Muslim Family Law (Amendment) Bill, which would have made it mandatory for a Muslim male to obtain court permission before taking a second wife (DPA 18 Mar. 1995), was postponed indefinitely after most of the male MPs from Rahman's own party walked out of parliament as the vote was to be taken (ibid. 2 Sept. 1994; ASK 27 Aug. 1995). The government, reportedly fearing a backlash from conservative Islamic groups, "blocked the legislation on the grounds that the bill needed thorough study by a special parliamentary committee..." (The Houston Chronicle 12 Mar. 1995). Rahman's 15 March 1995 call for legislation to ensure a more equitable division of family property between sons and daughters was met by conservative Islamic clerics with charges of apostasy and demands that she be put to death (The Times 31 Mar. 1995; Reuters 30 Mar. 1995; AP 18 Mar. 1995).

Several sources have commented on how the quota system for women has a negative impact on democratic political processes in Bangladesh. While reserved seats for women at first glance might seem like a practical way of ensuring minimum participation of women in the political process, in practice it has resulted in the general seats coming to be identified as male, making it even more difficult for women to win these seats in open competition with men (New Left Review Mar.-Apr. 1988, 117). Second, because the electorate for the reserved seats consists of elected members of parliament, the women MPs have no base of support apart from the ruling party, cannot enjoy equal status with their popularly elected male colleagues (ibid.), and "[can]not make an effective impact on the political scene" (World Bank 1990, 19; Ahmed 1987, 8). Indeed, on several occasions their unequal status as non-elected representatives has been pointed out to them on the floor of the Jatiya Sangsad by their male colleagues (Chowdhury 1985, 8). Third, because the electoral zones of women MPs are ten times larger than those of their elected male colleagues and do not correspond to any real electoral, territorial or political constituencies, woman members have only "tenuous links" to their constituents (ibid.). Further, while a male MP, because he alone represents his constituency, can act as an effective "broker" for his constituents, a woman MP, because she "shares" her constituency with several male colleagues, can carry out only a limited brokerage function for her constituents (ibid., 8-9). Finally, indirect election to reserved seats is fundamentally undemocratic in both concept and implementation, amounting to little more than a "bonus" for the ruling party (World Bank 1990, 19; New Left Review Mar.-Apr. 1988, 117; Faiz 1985, 16), which "dole[s] out the 30 seats as rewards for favorite female workers" (Ahmed 1987, 8; Begum 1985, 19).

Local Government

        Prior to 1991, the local government system in Bangladesh was based on a three-tier structure, with 64 zila parishads (district councils) at the apex, followed by 460 upazila parishads (subdistrict councils) and approximately 4,400 union parishads (union councils) at the base (Asian Profile June 1993, 251). Under the Local Government Ordinance of 1976, each union parishad was constituted with one elected chairman and nine elected members, as well as two nominated women members and two peasant representatives (Asian Profile June 1993, 252; World Bank 1990, 18). According to a 1995 document from the Abdul Momen Khan Memorial Foundation, a Dhaka-based NGO promoting democracy and development in Bangladesh, the BNP government recently amended the Local Government Act to allow for the election of three women members to each union parishad (1995, 10; ibid. n.d.). The move was reportedly undertaken to "empower ... women at the grassroots level..., strengthen the roots of the democratic system" and "sustain the [democratic] process" (ibid. 1995, 10). According to its brochures, the Khan Foundation has organized workshops at the district level to educate elected women members about their new roles and responsibilities (ibid. n.d.). These workshops were expected to be held in two phases: phase one would involve about 5,000 elected women members in 25 districts, while phase two would cover about 9,000 women in the remaining 39 districts (ibid.). Additional information on these workshops and the recent amendment to the Local Government Act could not be found among the sources consulted by the DIRB.

There were also four municipal corporations and 104 pourashavas (municipalities) in the urban areas (ibid.). Ahmed noted in 1987 that by law 10 per cent of commissioners in each municipality had to be women, and thus estimated the total number of women representatives in local government bodies in 1987 to be "about 15,000" (1987, 8). A 1993 source indicates that the pourashavas were dissolved under a 1991 government ordinance and that pourashava elections scheduled for 4 June 1992 were "suspended for [an] indefinite period" (Asian Profile June 1993, 258). Another ordinance abolished the upazila system in November 1991, a move which was seen by some as an attempt to recentralize government, silence political dissent (Current History Mar. 1992, 135) and influence the upcoming union parishad elections (Asian Profile June 1993, 255). Information on the impact of these measures on women's participation in local politics could not be found among the sources consulted by the DIRB.

A 1987 study of women nominated to the union parishads indicates that women politicians at the rural and local level have many characteristics in common with their national level counterparts, including their socioeconomic background and lack of prior political experience (Bangladesh: A Country Study 1989, 185; Ahmed 1987, 8). The study revealed that 60 per cent of women members were under 30 years of age and a full 92 per cent were under 40 (ibid.; Bangladesh: A Country Study 1989, 185). Most belonged to the rural elite and many were related to male council members (ibid.). Further, few of the women members actually participated in council deliberations and decision-making processes; according to Ahmed, "most perceived their role as being advisor to the chairman rather than being in a position to initiate programs" (ibid.). The women members expressed little sense of political efficacy; 11 per cent felt they had "no power at all to help local women," 24 per cent felt they "did not understand their work," and 19 per cent felt the chairman and male council members "did not cooperate with them" (ibid.).

According to Sadeka Halim, in rural areas few women participate in political activities, either voting or running for office (30 May 1995). For example, of the 17,444 candidates for chairman in the 1992 union parishad elections, 1,135 were women (ibid.). This figure represents a "substantial" increase over 1988, when only 79 women ran for chairman in the approximately 4,400 union parishads (ibid.). For further information on local government in Bangladesh, please refer to the June 1993 Asian Profile article attached to Response to Information Request BGD21346.EX of 6 October 1995.

For the source documents and a list of additional sources consulted, please refer to Response to Information Request BGD21346.EX of 6 October 1995.

This Response was prepared after researching publicly accessible information currently available to the DIRB within time constraints. This Response is not, and does not purport to be, conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum.

References

Abdul Momen Khan Memorial Foundation, Dhaka. 1995. "Current Status of Women and Children in Bangladesh; Myths & Realities." Paper presented at an 8 June 1995 CIDA information session, Hull, Qué.

_____. n.d. "Effective Involvement of Elected Women Members in the Local Government Structure: A Participatory Approach." (pamphlet)

Ahmed, Naseem. 1987. "Women in Bangladesh, Part I: Socio-Economic and Political Status," UFSI Reports. No. 36. Indianapolis: Universities Field Staff International.

Ain O Salish Kendra (ASK), Dhaka. 27 August 1995. Fax from Dr. Hameeda Hossain in response to questions from the DIRB.

Asian Profile [Hong Kong]. June 1993. Vol. 21, No. 3. Salahuddin Aminuzzaman. "Local Government and Administration in Bangladesh: The State of the Art."

Asiaweek [Hong Kong]. 1 March 1991. "Bangladesh: Countdown to Polling Day." (DIRB Indexed Media Review [Ottawa], 12-18 Mar. 1991, Vol. 1, No. 11, p. 67)

The Associated Press (AP). 18 March 1995. Farid Hossain. "Fundamentalists Target Another Woman." (NEXIS)

Bangladesh: A Country Study. 1989. Edited by James Heitzman and Robert L. Worden. Washington, DC: Department of the Army.

Begum, Maleka. 1985. "Women's Participation in Politics in Bangladesh: Its Nature and Limitations," Women and Politics in Bangladesh. Dhaka: Centre for Women and Development.

Chowdhury, Najma. 1994. "Bangladesh: Gender Issues and Politics in a Patriarchy," Women and Politics Worldwide. Edited by Barbara J. Nelson and Najma Chowdhury. New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press.

_____. 1985. "Women's Participation in Political Process in Bangladesh: Nature and Limitations," Women and Politics in Bangladesh. Dhaka: Centre for Women and Development.

Current History [Philadelphia]. March 1992. Craig Baxter. "Bangladesh: A Parliamentary Democracy, if They Can Keep It."

Deutsche Presse-Agentur (DPA). 18 March 1995. BC Cycle. "Moslem Clerics Target Woman Lawmaker Seeking Equal Rights." (NEXIS)

_____. 2 September 1994. BC Cycle. "Bangladeshi Males Unite in Parliament to Thwart Bill on Polygamy." (NEXIS)

Faiz, Razia. 1985. "Experiences of a Woman Politician," Women and Politics in Bangladesh. Dhaka: Centre for Women and Development.

Far Eastern Economic Review (FEER) [Hong Kong]. 3 October 1991. "Bangladesh: Oath to Democracy." (DIRB Indexed Media Review [Ottawa], 24-30 Sept. 1991, Vol. 2, No. 13, p. 59)

Halim, Sadeka. PhD candidate specializing in women and development issues in Bangladesh and India, Department of Sociology, McGill University, Montréal. 30 May 1995. Telephone interview.

The Houston Chronicle. 12 March 1995. 2 Star Edition. "Bride Murders for Dowry Grow in Bangladesh." (NEXIS)

Huq, Jahanara. 1989. "The Socioeconomic Status of Women in Bangladesh: Some Selected Indicators," Shaping Bengali Worlds, Public and Private. Edited by Tony K. Stewart. East Lansing: Michigan State University, Asian Studies Centre

International Women's Rights Action Watch (IWRAW). December 1992. 1993 IWRAW to CEDAW Country Reports. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota.

Jahan, Rounaq. 1982a. "Purdah and Participation: Women in the Politics of Bangladesh," Separate Worlds: Studies of Purdah in South Asia. Edited by Hanna Papanek and Gail Minault. Delhi: Chanakya Publications.

_____. 1982b. "Bangladesh," Women in Asia. Report No. 45. Edited by Rounaq Jahan. London: Minority Rights Group.

Jalal, Khurshid. 1975. "Women in Politics," Women for Women: Bangladesh 1975. Dhaka: University Press.

Journal of Social Studies [Dhaka]. 1985. No. 30. Rehnuma Ahmed. "Women's Movement in Bangladesh and the Left's Understanding of the Women Question."

Kabeer, Naila. 1991. "The Quest for National Identity: Women, Islam and the State in Bangladesh," Women, Islam and the State. Edited by Deniz Kandiyoti. London: MacMillan Press.

New Left Review [London]. March/April 1988. No. 168. Naila Kabeer. "Subordination and Struggle: Women in Bangladesh."

The New York Times. 17 October 1992. Barbara Crossette. "A Woman Leader for a Land That Defies Islamic Stereotypes." (NEXIS)

Political Parties of the World. 1988. 3rd ed. Edited by Alan J. Day. Chicago: St. James Press.

Reuters. 30 March 1995. BC Cycle. Shahriar Shahid. "Bangladeshi Woman MP Faces Mullah Death Threat." (NEXIS)

_____. 27 February 1991. PM Cycle. Lai Kwok Kin. "Women Among Millions in Rush to Vote in Bangladesh Elections." (NEXIS)

The Times [London]. 31 March 1995. Christopher Thomas. "Bangladesh Mullahs Call for Hanging of Woman MP." (NEXIS)

United Nations, General Assembly. 28 May 1993. (A/48/38). Report of the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women (Twelfth Session). New York: United Nations.

White, Sarah C. 1992. Arguing with the Crocodile: Gender and Class in Bangladesh. Dhaka: Zed Books Ltd.

World Bank. 1990. Bangladesh: Strategies for Enhancing the Role of Women in Economic Development. Washington, DC: World Bank.

World Encyclopedia of Political Systems & Parties. 1987. 2nd ed. Vol. 1. Edited by George E. Delury. New York: Facts on File Publications.

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(1) For related information please see the May 1994 DIRB Question and Answer series paper Bangladesh: Political Parties and Political Violence.