Freedom in the World 2004 - Tanzania

Political Rights: 4
Civil Liberties: 3
Status: Partly Free
Population: 35,400,000
GNI/Capita: $270
Life Expectancy: 45
Religious Groups: Christian (30 percent), Muslim (35 percent), indigenous beliefs (35 percent)
Ethnic Groups: African (99 percent), other [including Asian, European, and Arab] (1 percent)
Capital: Dar-es-Salaam

Overview

Significant progress occurred in 2003 in Tanzania's long-festering political crisis regarding the semiautonomous islands of Zanzibar and Pemba, with elections that resulted in a victory by the opposition Civic United Front (CUF). Controversial legislation approved by parliament in 2002 that circumscribes the ability of nongovernmental organizations to function was not implemented, although it is expected to be implemented after administrative regulations are enacted.

After Tanzania gained independence from Britain in 1961, the ruling Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) party under President Julius Nyerere dominated the country's political life. The Zanzibar and Pemba Islands were merged with Tanganyika to become the Union of Tanzania after Arab sultans who had long ruled the islands were deposed in a violent revolution in 1964. For much of his presidency, President Nyerere espoused a collectivist economic philosophy known in Swahili as ujaama. Although it may have been useful in promoting a sense of community and nationality, this policy resulted in significant economic dislocation and decline, the effects of which continue to be felt. During Nyerere's tenure, Tanzania also played an important role as a "Front Line State" in the international response to white-controlled regimes in southern Africa. Nyerere retained strong influence after he officially retired in 1985 until his death in 1999. His successor, Ali Hassan Mwinyi, held the presidency from 1985 to 1995.

The CCM's landslide legislative victory in the 1995 parliamentary elections was seriously tainted by poor organization, fraud, and administrative irregularities. In addition, extensive use of state broadcasting and other government resources during the campaign favored the ruling party. The CCM won 80 percent of the 232 directly elected seats in the National Assembly. The voting in Zanzibar was plainly fraudulent, with the island's High Court summarily rejecting opposition demands for fresh polls.

Tanzania held legislative and presidential elections in October 2000, the second since the reintroduction of multiparty politics. Incumbent president Benjamin Mkapa won reelection with about 70 percent of the vote, and the CCM won an overwhelming victory in the parliamentary election. Although the conduct of these elections represented a modest improvement over that of the 1995 vote, they were marred by fraudulent polls biased in favor of the ruling party in the federated semiautonomous isles of Zanzibar and Pemba; the status of these islands in relation to the mainland has long provoked tension. The opposition CUF and independent observers convincingly demonstrated that the ruling CCM engaged in fraud to retain power. Subsequent rioting in Zanzibar in early 2001 resulted in the deaths of more than 40 people. In October 2001, the CCM and the CUF announced a reconciliation agreement designed to resolve the political crisis and allow for more transparent government.

The Tanzanian parliament passed restrictive antiterrorism legislation in 2002 that gives the police and immigration officials sweeping powers to arrest suspected illegal immigrants or anyone thought to have links with terrorists. Concerns over President Benjamin Mkapa's health grew as he undertook prolonged medical treatment in Switzerland.

By-elections held in May 2003 were generally regarded as free and fair, with an absence of violence. The CUF won 11 out of 17 seats in the Zanzibar House of Representatives and all 15 seats that were being contested for the national parliament, while the CCM won 6 seats. The seats had fallen vacant after CUF members elected in 2000 were expelled for boycotting parliamentary sessions to protest the 2000 general elections, which the CUF claimed were rigged in favor of the CCM.

Tanzania's economy is growing modestly, but there are a number of serious issues that have complicated prospects for the country's long-term stability. These include relations between the mainland and the Zanzibar archipelago; the presence in Tanzania of 500,000 refugees from Burundi, the Democratic Republic of Congo, and Rwanda; and the need for relief from the country's foreign debt, which in 2001 totaled more than $6 billion.

Political Rights and Civil Liberties

The ability of Tanzanians to freely choose their political leaders is not yet firmly entrenched in practice. Although opposition parties were legalized in 1992, the ruling CCM continues to dominate the country's political life. Progress toward democratic consolidation and strong economic growth remain inhibited by high levels of corruption and weak opposition parties. Executive power rests with the president, who is elected by direct popular vote for a five-year term. The president can serve a maximum of two terms. The constitution provides for legislative power to be held by a unicameral National Assembly with members serving a term of five years, and for universal adult suffrage. The legislative body, the Bunge, has 274 members, with 232 elected for a five-year term in single-seat constituencies.

Although the 2000 national elections avoided the massive logistical and administrative chaos of the preceding elections, the CCM continues to enjoy considerable advantages of incumbency that inhibit the realistic prospect of alternation of power. The 2003 elections in Zanzibar raised hopes that 2005 parliamentary and presidential elections (at which President Benjamin Mkapa is not expected to stand) may represent a positive step forward.

Thirteen opposition parties have formal status. Some of them are active, but they tend to be divided and ineffective. The opposition CUF has sought to establish significant support on the Tanzanian mainland. Another major opposition party, the National Convention for Constitution and Reform (NCCR-Mageuzi), whose leader, Augustine Mrema, was runner-up to Mkapa in the 1995 presidential election, has split. Parties with parliamentary representation receive government subsidies, but they criticize the low level of funding and the formula by which it is allocated. In 2003, most opposition parties came together in an electoral alliance, but the CUF did not join.

Corruption remains a serious problem, although the government has made some attempts to address it, including developing a national anticorruption action plan. The Prevention of Corruption Bureau recorded an increasing number of reported incidents on corruption from 432 cases in 1998 to 1,461 cases at the end of 2000. However, it is not clear whether this represents an increase in corruption or increased reporting and improved detection of corruption. Tanzania ranked 92 out of 133 countries on Transparency International's 2003 Corruption Perceptions Index.

Print and electronic media are active, but media impact is largely limited to major urban areas. In terms of numbers, the Tanzanian news media are experiencing their greatest growth. The country has more than 50 regular newspapers, including 17 dailies. It also has 26 radio stations, 15 television stations, and 20 cable operators. The number of journalists has also increased from only 230 in 1991 to more than 4,000 currently, but journalists in general have serious concerns about press laws that could limit freedom of expression. The government has been using its powers selectively to deny nationality to reporters. Jenerali Ulimwengu, a prominent journalist, became the first victim in 2001, followed by Ali Nabwa, editor of the weekly newspaper Dira, who saw his citizenship revoked in March.

Freedom of religion is respected, although the 1998 bombing of the U.S. Embassy served notice that Tanzania was not immune from religiously oriented international tensions.

Many nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) are active, and some have been able to influence the public policy process. However, an NGO act passed by parliament in 2002 contains many serious flaws, including compulsory registration backed by criminal sanctions, lack of appeal to the courts, aligning of NGO activities with government plans, prohibition of national networks and coalitions of NGOs, and inconsistencies with other related existing legislation. The International Federation for Human Rights and the World Organization against Torture have warned that several provisions of the proposed act contravene the Tanzanian constitution, the UN Declaration on Human Rights Defenders, and the International Covenant on Civil and. As of November 2003, the act had not been implemented, though it is expected to be in the future.

Constitutional protections for the right to freedom of assembly are generally, but not always, respected. Laws allow rallies only by officially registered political parties, which may not be formed on religious, ethnic, or regional bases and cannot oppose the union of Zanzibar and the mainland.

Workers do not have the right to organize and join trade unions freely. Essential workers are barred from striking; other workers' rights to strike is restricted by complex notification and mediation requirements. Collective bargaining effectively exists only in the small private sector. Approximately 85 percent of Tanzania's people survive through subsistence agriculture.

Tanzania's judiciary has displayed signs of autonomy after decades of subservience to the one-party CCM regime, but it remains subject to considerable political influence. Arrest and pretrial detention laws are often ignored. New legislation designed to strengthen the government's ability to deal with terrorist threats has raised civil liberties concerns; police will not need warrants to detain people suspected of committing certain terrorism-related crimes. Prison conditions are harsh, and police abuses are said to be common. According to government estimates, there are approximately 45,000 inmates in the country's prisons, although the prisons' collective capacity is only 21,000. Such overcrowding has caused widespread concern. Questions have been raised regarding the safety and health of prisoners, including minors and women, who have been subjected to sexual harassment and human rights abuses.

The broad distribution of Tanzania's population among many ethnic groups has largely diffused potential ethnic rivalries that have wracked neighboring countries.

Women's rights guaranteed by the constitution and other laws are not uniformly protected. Especially in rural areas and in Zanzibar, traditional or Islamic customs discriminatory toward women prevail in family law, and women have fewer educational and economic opportunities. Domestic violence against women is reportedly common and is rarely prosecuted. Human rights groups have sought laws to bar forced marriages, which are most common among Tanzania's coastal peoples.