Current Situation

 

GLOSSARY

AOLF     Abo Oromo Liberation Front

EPLF       Eritrean People's Liberation Front

EPRDF   Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front

IFLO       Islamic Front for the Liberation of Oromo

OLF        Oromo Liberation Front

OPDA    Oromo People's Democratic Association

OPDO     Oromo People's Democratic Organization

OPULF   Oromo People's United Liberation Front

TPLF      Tigray People's Liberation Front

WPE       Workers' Party of Ethiopia

1.    INTRODUCTION

In July 1991, following centuries of imperial power and 17 years of military dictatorship under Mengistu Haile-Mariam, Ethiopia came under the rule of a new transitional government led by the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF). The EPRDF, a coalition dominated by the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF), was able to form this new government upon the conclusion of peace talks chaired by the United States in May 1991 (ODR-Bulletin d'information Jan. 1992; Amnesty International Nov. 1991, 1). An 87-member Council of Representatives from the EPRDF then came to power, following an agreement reached among the various ethnic and political groups (ibid.).

From 1 to 5 July 1991, a national peace conference was held in Addis Ababa; during the conference, the 24 political organizations present decided to replace the 1987 constitution with a charter "including 20 articles and forming the basis of a new Constitution" (ODR-Bulletin d'information Jan. 1992, 1). The charter recognizes the Universal Declaration of Human Rights as the country's supreme law (News from Africa Watch 8 May 1992, 1).

In February 1992, the Council of Representatives established an electoral commission to be responsible for the election, by universal suffrage, of regional and national representatives (BBC Summary 3 Feb. 1992). In June 1992, elections were held to form local and regional councils, in the presence of international observers headed by the Joint International Observer Group (JIOG) (NDI/AAI 1992, 1, 6, 7). According to the transitional government, no incidents occurred during the elections (Le Devoir 22 June 1992). A group of observers from the Heindrich Boll Foundation reportedly noted irregularities, however, including some forms of harassment and administrative problems (NDI/AAI 1992, 6-7). As well, the elections were delayed in the Afar, Somalia and Harer regions due to insecurity caused by the presence of several armed groups (New African Nov. 1992a, 40; Le Devoir 22 June 1992).

The new government, heir to the legacy of deposed dictator Mengistu and faced with the complexity of the existing ethnic and political groups, has had difficulty establishing its authority. Its treatment of former officials of the Mengistu government--which, although it can no longer be described as a witch hunt--clearly shows the shortcomings of the judicial system and indicates that the new government is capable of limiting its opponents' civil rights (Country Reports 1992 1993, 86).

The fragile balance in Ethiopia was disturbed once again by the fall of the Mengistu government, leaving the field open to aspirations to self-determination by certain groups, particularly the Oromos (Le Monde 30 Dec. 1992). Initially allied with the new government, the Oromos came into open conflict with it during 1992 and finally withdrew from the governing coalition (Le Monde 25 June 1992). What is referred to as the Oromos issue is an extremely sensitive and divisive subject in the democratization process in Ethiopia (New African Nov. 1992b, 42-43).

In a referendum held in April 1993, Eritrea, the former Ethiopian province whose right to determine its political future had been officially recognized by the July 1991 peace conference, voted overwhelmingly for its independence. However, the formal declaration of independence was not made until 24 May 1993, the second anniversary of the capture of the capital of Asmara by Eritrean People's Liberation Front (EPLF) forces (La Presse 26 Apr. 1993).

2.            TREATMENT OF FORMER GOVERNMENT OFFICIALS, SOLDIERS AND POLICE OFFICERS

2.1 The Workers' Party of Ethiopia (WPE) and Officials

The Workers' Party of Ethiopia (WPE), the sole party under Mengistu, was labelled a criminal institution and banned by the new transitional government (News from Africa Watch 8 May 1992, 10). At the end of May 1991, thousands of civilians, most of them officials of the former government, were detained without charge by the new Ethiopian authorities (Country Reports 1992 1993, 86). Between 1,500 and 2,000 of these people were still detained at the end of 1992, although apparently under fairly good conditions (ibid.; Human Rights Watch 1993, 14).

During 1992, the former members of the WPE became the victims of the deficient judicial system. Its paralysis prevented the holding of their trials, although, upon the deposition of Mengistu, the EPRDF had promised that these would take place (ibid.; Country Reports 1992 1993, 86). As well, all judges and prosecutors of the former government were dismissed from their positions (ibid.). It was not until August 1992 that a special prosecutor was appointed to oversee the cases of former officials of the Mengistu government (ibid.; Amnesty International 16 Feb. 1993b, 3). The transitional government has promised fair trials and the presence of international organizations in order to ensure the fairness of the sentences (ibid., 1).

In 1991, former WPE members were subjected to travel restrictions, which were lifted in August 1992 (Horn of Africa Bulletin Sept.-Oct. 1992, 11). Other basic rights, such as the right to work, were also restricted in 1991 but restored in 1992 (Human Rights Watch 1993, 14). In addition, the right to vote and the right to run as candidates in the elections were denied to two former WPE members (News from Africa Watch 8 May 1992, 10-11).

2.2         The Armed Forces

When Mengistu was deposed in May 1991, the Ethiopian army, once Africa's largest, was routed by the combined efforts of the rebel forces which had been brought together under the EPRDF (The Christian Science Monitor 5 Aug. 1991, 6). Hundreds of soldiers, fearing reprisals by the new government, found refuge outside the country (Xinhua 3 July 1991). Shortly afterward, most of them were repatriated from Djibouti, Kenya and Sudan (IPS 12 Aug. 1991; The Indian Ocean Newsletter 31 Aug. 1991). The few programmes of assistance for reintegrating 400,000 former soldiers into civilian life have not been adequate to meet their needs (News from Africa Watch 8 May 1992, 3). The fact that some of them have returned to their home regions has created an additional economic burden in rural regions (The Christian Science Monitor 5 Aug. 1991, 6).

Some army leaders, still in detention, have been accused by the transitional government of war crimes or abuses of power, and will likely receive harsh sentences (Amnesty International 16 Feb. 1993b, 1). The transitional government has, however, agreed to hold these future trials in the presence of international observers such as Amnesty International (ibid.).

2.3              The Police and the Kebeles

Following the fall of Mengistu, police officers were fired across the board, most for corruption (News from Africa Watch 8 May 1992, 3); the ensuing lack of competent police officers has resulted in arbitrary arrests (Country Reports 1992 1993, 86). It was not until April 1992 that the new government took steps to re-establish a genuine police force (ibid.). Although traffic officers were put back to work shortly afterward, regular police officers had to undergo a so-called rehabilitation phase (ibid.; News from Africa Watch 8 May 1992, 3). It is still true that the absence of an effective police force in Ethiopia remains a major problem for the present government (ibid.; Country Reports 1992 1993, 86).

The Kebeles were the smallest unit in Ethiopia's administrative structure during the Mengistu reign. In effect, a Kebele was a local police station and a source of information (NDI/AAI 1992, iv; Country Reports 1991 1992, 118). Officially dissolved and renamed Peace and Stability Committees by the transitional government, these units still play a major role in Ethiopia's security system (ibid.; Amnesty International 16 Feb. 1993a, 2). The leaders of these Committees still have the power to arrest individuals and impose restrictions on them (ibid.). Persons sought by the security forces are often referred to the Kebeles for questioning (ibid.).

Two years after the fall of Mengistu, both the situation of Ethiopia's judicial system and the security situation there remain uncertain; the government hesitates between a certain amount of laxity and a harsher approach where individuals associated with the former government are concerned.

3.               THE CONFLICT BETWEEN THE OROMOS AND THE NEW GOVERNMENT

Former officials of the Mengistu government have not been the only ones who have had to adjust, sometimes painfully, to Ethiopia's new government. The Oromos, large in number, saw the fall of the former government and the arrival of the transitional government as an opportunity to give effect to their political claims. However, their relations with the new government have steadily deteriorated since the fall of Mengistu.

3.1              Background to the Conflict

The Oromos, also called Gallas (literally "slaves" -- the Oromos reject this name, which was given to them mainly by the Amharas), are Ethiopia's largest ethnic group (Documentation-Réfugiés 31 Aug.-9 Sept. 1990, 10). They live largely in Ethiopia's south, southeast, southwest and high plateaus (ibid.) and earn their livelihood by farming. While most are Sunni Moslems, some are Christian or animist (ODR-Bulletin d'information Jan. 1992, 1).

Toward the end of the nineteenth century, the Oromos were conquered by Melenik, emperor of the Amharas, who annexed their territory to the Amhara empire (Documentation-Réfugiés 31 Aug.-9 Sept. 1990, 17; New African Nov. 1992b, 42-43). Since that time, the Amhara colonizers (called neftegnas) have displaced the Oromos from their traditional lands and imposed their language on them (ibid.). The Amhara landowners also massacred Oromos who resisted the assimilation policies of the Ethiopian empire (ibid., Documentation-Réfugiés 31 Aug.-9 Sept. 1990, 17).

3.2           Movements and Factions among the Oromos

When Emperor Haile Selassie fell from power in 1975, the Oromos formed the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) and engaged in a "war of liberation" (ibid.; New African Nov. 1992b, 42-43). At first the OLF fought the Mengistu government alongside the EPLF and the TPLF (ibid.). In the final battle that led to Mengistu's fall, however, dissent concerning the right to self-determination surfaced between the OLF and the TPLF, the main component of the EPRDF in power (ibid.).

This dissent divided the Oromos, and one OLF faction formed a new group, the Oromo People's Democratic Organization (OPDO), which joined the government coalition (ibid.). In November 1992, however, some OPDO members were arrested in Walega province in western Ethiopia, in Dire Dawa in the east, and in Ambo and Asela near the capital. These arrests are evidence of growing conflict between the Oromos and the EPRDF government (The Indian Ocean Newsletter 21 Nov. 1992).

In the late 1980s, the Islamic Front for the Liberation of Oromo (IFLO) was formed (Gilkes July 1992, 19). During the first half of 1992, the IFLO moved closer to the OLF, as both groups actively fought against a common enemy, the EPRDF (ibid., 20). In March 1992, the EPRDF accused the OLF and the IFLO of jointly conspiring to seize Harer (ibid.). Two other Oromo groups, the Oromo People's United Liberation Front (OPULF) and the Abo Oromo Liberation Front (AOLF) have representatives in Ethiopia's post-Mengistu Council of Representatives (ibid.).

3.3                Break Between the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) and the Government

The OLF did not long remain part of the transitional government set up after the July 1991 national peace conference. Indeed, although the OLF had initially had four ministers in the coalition government and 12 seats in the interim Council of Representatives, the situation between the Oromos and the central government deteriorated rapidly (Le Monde 25 June 1992; Journal de Genève 26 June 1992). The OLF initiated an armed struggle for self-determination in various regions of the country. Many of its supporters were detained and some even died in detention due to harsh conditions (News from Africa Watch 8 May 1992, 6). In January 1992, two leaders of the IFLO, allied with the OLF, were killed by EPRDF forces in Dire Dawa (ibid.). In March 1992, during a banned demonstration organized by the OLF in the eastern city of Weter, EPRDF forces fired in the direction of the crowd (AFP 31 Mar. 1992). According to national radio, 24 persons died during these clashes (Human Rights Watch 1993, 11). The OLF, however, indicated that 90 persons had died and 300 others had been wounded during the demonstration (AFP 31 Mar. 1992).

The final break between the transitional government and the OLF occurred shortly after the June and July 1992 local and regional elections (Le Monde 25 June 1992; Journal de Genève 26 June 1992); the OLF decided to boycott these following the arrest of some of its candidates and the closure of its offices in Addis Ababa (Horn of Africa Bulletin July-Aug. 1992, 24). A number of sympathizers of the OLF were then detained by the EPRDF; according to a recent Human Rights Watch report, at least 1,000 Oromos were still detained in October 1992 (Human Rights Watch 1993, 12). After the final withdrawal of the OLF representatives from the transitional government, OLF leaders were ordered to voluntarily leave the country or return to regions under their control (ibid., 11). According to Amnesty International, at present those Oromos suspected of being OLF members have no alternative flight choices within Ethiopia. This situation holds true even for the Oromo region (Region 4), whose inhabitants are Oromos and which is controlled by the Oromo People's Democratic Association (OPDA), allied with the government (Amnesty International 16 Feb. 1993a, 1).

3.4  Human Rights Violations by the OLF

The OLF itself has also committed human rights violations. In December 1991, OLF leaders set fire to villages in Arga Guugu and Harerge, killing some 144 Christians, most of them Amharas (Human Rights Watch 1993, 11). In April 1992, the OLF reportedly attacked and killed 150 civilians in Bedeno (Harerge region), again, most of them Amharas (ibid.). Apparently, many of the victims were forced to jump off cliffs (ibid.). According to a May 1992 national radio bulletin, political violence instituted by the OLF had at that time escalated in the Bale, southern Shewa and Sidamo regions (AFP 11 May 1992).

The EPRDF and the OLF signed a ceasefire agreement in April 1992 under the auspices of the United States and the Eritrean interim government. The agreement specified that both sides' forces were to be confined to their respective bases (The Indian Ocean Newsletter 18 Apr. 1992, 3). The armed struggle between the OLF and the EPRDF nevertheless continued, for example in the Bale region, where fighting between the two forces was fierce at the end of June 1992 (Marchés Tropicaux 10 July 1992, 1851). Once again, in November 1992, fighting broke out in the Bale, Walega, Kefa and Gojjam provinces and in Begemder; the security situation remains precarious in these regions (The Indian Ocean Newsletter 28 Nov. 1992).

Conflict between the Oromos, who are large in number, and certain other ethnic groups is not limited to the Amharas, the group that formerly dominated the Oromos, and the Tigrayans, who have a strong representation in the new transitional government. Other inter-ethnic battles, particularly those in Dire Dawa in July 1991, killed some 20 persons during confrontations between Issa (Somali) and Oromo armed forces (BBC Summary 12 July 1991).

4.                FUTURE CONSIDERATIONS

The continuing violence in Ethiopia's various regions stems from rivalry among certain ethno-political organizations and feeds on aspirations to self-determination, for example, among the Oromos (Human Rights Watch 1993, 12). Claims to self-determination by the various peoples of the former Ethiopian empire would seem to undermine the future stability of the Ethiopian state (Le Monde 30 Dec. 1992). The new government, thus, must endeavour to respect the rights of these peoples and of individuals, while preserving national unity and maintaining political consensus. Another important element of stability is the recovery of the national economy, ravaged by over 30 years of civil war. The transformation of a civil war economy to a peace-time economy will not be painless, as is shown by the recruitment of unemployed soldiers by ethnic armed forces and various groups of bandits (Human Rights Watch 1993, 12). Causes of rising ethnic chauvinism include a new ethnic federalism, aspirations to self-determination, and the secession of Eritrea. According to Amnesty International, at present any ethnic group living in a region in which it is a minority is vulnerable (Amnesty International 16 Feb. 1993a, 1). During a January 1993 visit by United Nations Secretary General Boutros Boutros-Ghali, some students even demonstrated their disagreement with the UN's support for the referendum in Eritrea.

It is difficult at present to assess the consequences of the June 1992 elections on the future of democracy in Ethiopia. Although the ultimate purpose of the elections was to resolve the armed conflicts among the ethnic groups, they failed to do so in southern Ethiopia (NDI/AAI 1992, 2, 4).

Although the elections were sectoral, they constituted the first opportunity for Ethiopians to democratically choose their political future (Third World Reports 12 Aug. 1992, 1). The elections demonstrated the new leaders' desire to include in the democratization process the majority of Ethiopians, including officials of the former government, opposition forces and the various ethnic groups (of which there are over 80) that make up Ethiopia's complex mosaic (Country Reports 1992 1993, 90).

Despite the current difficulties, the new Ethiopian government has nevertheless emerged from 17 years of totalitarianism and centuries of feudalism under the imperial regime. It remains to be seen whether a democratic system will be successfully implemented or whether this vast country's ethnic and political problems will create major obstacles to that process.

5.  REFERENCES

Agence France Presse (AFP). 11 May 1992. "Regain de la violence politique dans le sud de l'Éthiopie."

Agence France Presse (AFP). 31 March 1992. "Au moins 24 morts dans une manifestation organisée par les Oromos."

Amnesty International. 16 February 1993a. Facsimile sent to the DIRB in Ottawa.

Amnesty International. 16 February 1993b. Facsimile sent to the DIRB in Ottawa. "Amnesty International's Concerns Regarding the Continued Detention in Ethiopia of Officials of the Former Government."

Amnesty International. 5 January 1993. Urgent Action. (AI Index: AFR 25/01/93). London: Amnesty International.

Amnesty International. November 1991. Ethiopia and Eritrea: The Human Rights Agenda. (AI Index: AFR 25 09 91). London: Amnesty International Publications.

BBC Summary of World Broadcasts. 3 February 1992. "Ethiopia Decree Sets Up an Electoral Commission." (NEXIS)

BBC Summary of World Broadcasts. 12 July 1991. "Ethiopia: 20 Reported Killed in Ethnic Clashes in Dire Dawa." (NEXIS)

The Christian Science Monitor [Boston]. 5 August 1991. Robert M. Press. "Ethiopia's Army is Walking Home."

Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 1992. 1993. United States Department of State. Washington, DC: United States Government Printing Office.

Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 1991. 1992. United States Department of State. Washington, DC: United States Government Printing Office.

Le Devoir [Montréal]. 22 June 1992. "Pas d'incident aux élections régionales d'Éthiopie."

Documentation-Réfugiés [Paris]. 31 August-9 September 1990. Supplément to No. 121. "L'Éthiopie."

Gilkes, Patrick. July 1992. "Ethnic and Political Movements in Ethiopia and Somalia."

Horn of Africa Bulletin [Summit, NJ]. September-October 1992. Vol. 4, No. 5. "Ethiopia: Travel Restrictions on Members of Former Ruling Party Lifted."

Horn of Africa Bulletin [Summit, NJ]. July-August 1992. Vol. 4, No. 4. "Progress for Ethiopian Transition but Polling Deemed To Be 'Imperfect'."

Human Rights Watch. December 1992. Human Rights Watch World Report 1993. New York: Human Rights Watch.

The Indian Ocean Newsletter [Paris]. 28 November 1992. "Ethiopia: Tension Mounts in Several Regions."

The Indian Ocean Newsletter [Paris]. 21 November 1992. "Ethiopia: Ruling Party Divided."

The Indian Ocean Newsletter [Paris]. 18 April 1992. "Ethiopia."

The Indian Ocean Newsletter [Paris]. 31 August 1991. "Ethiopia: Inertia and Indecision."

Inter Press Service (IPS). 12 August 1991. "Sudan: Ethiopian Refugees Return Home." (NEXIS)

Journal de Genève. 26 June 1992. Francis Haller. "Éthiopie : Après un scrutin démocratique, les Oromos claquent la porte du gouvernement."

Le Monde [Paris]. 30 December 1992. "Ethiopie : les mille plaies de l'Empire."

Le Monde [Paris]. 25 June 1992. Jean Hélène. "Éthiopie : après avoir boycotté les élections, le principal parti oromo s'est retiré du gouvernement."

Marchés Tropicaux et Méditerranéens [Paris]. 10 July 1992. "Éthiopie."

National Democratic Institute for International Affairs African-American Institute (NDI/AAI). 1992. An Evaluation of the June 21, 1992 Elections in Ethiopia. Washington, DC: National Democratic Institute for International Affairs.

New African [London]. November 1992a. "Electoral Uncertainties."

New African [London]. November 1992b. "Ethiopia: What about the Oromos?"

News from Africa Watch [New York]. 8 May 1992. Vol. 4, No. 7. "Ethiopia: Waiting for Justice."

ODR-Bulletin d'information [Berne]. January 1992. "Éthiopie."

La Presse [Montréal]. 26 April 1993. "Érythrée : Référendum-fin."

Third World Reports. 12 August 1992. "Ethiopia: The Lessons of the Country's First-Ever Democratic Elections." London: Colin Legum.

The Xinhua General Overseas News Service. 3 July 1991. "More Ethiopian Refugees Return Home." (NEXIS)

This is not a UNHCR publication. UNHCR is not responsible for, nor does it necessarily endorse, its content. Any views expressed are solely those of the author or publisher and do not necessarily reflect those of UNHCR, the United Nations or its Member States.