World Directory of Minorities and Indigenous Peoples - Sierra Leone : Overview
|Publisher||Minority Rights Group International|
|Cite as||Minority Rights Group International, World Directory of Minorities and Indigenous Peoples - Sierra Leone : Overview, 2007, available at: http://www.refworld.org/docid/4954ce4823.html [accessed 2 March 2015]|
|Disclaimer||This is not a UNHCR publication. UNHCR is not responsible for, nor does it necessarily endorse, its content. Any views expressed are solely those of the author or publisher and do not necessarily reflect those of UNHCR, the United Nations or its Member States.|
Sierra Leone is bounded by Guinea in the north and east, Liberia in the east and south, and the Atlantic Ocean to the south and west. The hills of the Freetown peninsula are the exception to otherwise swampy lowlands along the Atlantic coast. There is savannah in the north and mountainous highland plateau in the east. Sierra Leone has rich deposits of alluvial diamonds in its east, as well as minerals including rutile and bauxite. Its stunning beaches offer potential for tourism development, but this is dampened in part by the pervasive threat of malaria.
Main religions: Islam (60%), traditional religions (30%), Christianity (10%)
Main languages: English (official), Mende, Temne, Limba, Krio
Main Minority Groups: Mende 1,830,000 (30%), Temne 1,830,000 (30%), Krio 610,000 (10%), Limba 335,000 (5.5%), Kuranko 250,000 (4.1%), Kono 190,000 (3.1%), Fula/Fulbe/Fulani 178,400, (2.9%), Sherbro 135,000 (2.2%), Loko 115,000 (1.9%), Susu 120,000 (2%), Mandingo 90,000 (1.5%), Kissi 125,000 (2%), Yalunka 30,000 (0.5%), Vai 15,500 (0.3%), and Kru 8,000 (0.1%)
[Note: Figures for Temne, Mende, and Krio, and for all religions are taken from the 2007 CIA World Factbook, as is the estimated total population of 6.1 million for purposes of converting percentages to numbers and vice versa. All other figures come from Ethnologue, in various years: Limba (1989), Kono (1989), Kuranko (1995), Sherbro (1989), Fula (1991), Loko (1989), Susu (1989), Mandingo (1989), Kissi (Kissi southern – 1995, Kissi northern – 1991), Kru (1989), Vai (1991), Yalunka (2002).]
No single ethno-linguistic group forms an absolute majority of Sierra Leone's population, which consists of 18 tribes.
The Mende inhabit the south and have benefited from the relative prosperity of their southern homeland. The Temne live an area inland from the coast to an area north of Mendeland; the Limba, in the Northern Province; and the Kono and Kissi in Eastern Province. Kuranko, Fula, Loko, Susu and Mandinka also live in the north. Limba are among the earliest inhabitants of Sierra Leone and speak various dialects of a language largely unrelated to other tribal languages in the area. They are concentrated in the north. Sherbro live in the coastal region together with the smaller groups of Vai and Gola, all of which have larger numbers living across the border in Liberia.
Krios are descendants of freed slaves who returned to Africa from the Americas, and their Krio language, based largely on English and African languages, is used as a lingua franca across the country. They live in the Freetown area, where small numbers of Lebanese, Indians and Europeans are also found. The Krio community was dominant during the colonial era but never held a monopoly of power similar to that of the Americo-Liberian elite in Liberia.
The area of present- day Sierra Leone shows evidence of human habitation since approximately 2500 B.C.E and of iron-working populations since 600 C.E. Mande-speakers, migrating to the area from the east, inter-married with ancestors of contemporary Bullom, Kissi and Krim peoples living there and also giving rise to contemporary groups such as the Mende, Vai and Loko.
No one group dominated pre-colonial Sierra Leone, and relatively large groups such as the Temne and Mende were sub-divided into smaller units. These were linked through secret societies, including the Poro, which facilitated cooperation and cohesiveness.
Portuguese explorers viewing the mountainous Freetown peninsula in the 15th Century called the territory 'Lion Mountains', the Italian translation of which, 'Sierra Leone', gave the country its name. With European arrival, the slave trade quicly became established and ravaged Sierra Leone's peoples. Local traders brought inland slaves to the coast for trade with the Europeans. In the 1700s many thousands passed through British-run Bunce Island, bound largely for the Americas. In South Carolina and Georgia, Sierra Leonean slaves were prized for their skill in rice growing.
In 1787 British abolitionists established a colony at Freetown for former slaves and poor blacks from London. Early colonists suffered from disease and reprisal killings from the original Temne inhabitants of the Freetown peninsula, whom they had displaced when creating the colony. Beginning in 1807, Freetown served as the main base for British naval patrols to prevent slavery. Slaves encountered at sea from all over Africa were returned to Freetown, where they mixed with earlier inabitants to form the Krio people, speaking a new lingua franca: Krio (or Creole). The Freetown peninsula became a Crown Colony in 1808 and the interior was declared a British Protectorate in 1896. Although they initially intermarried with the indigenous population, the former slaves enjoyed privileged access to British education and culture, setting themselves apart from the local majority.
In 1827, Fourah Bay College in Freetown became the first university in sub-Saharan Africa, and attracted Anglophone students from across West Africa. But the British were careful not to let Krio elites dominate colonial politics or the economy, and in the early 20th century, trade fell under the control of large European companies and traders from Syria.
Slavery on the palm-oil, cocoa and coffee plantations of the interior continued until 1928, as did the selling of slaves to Fulani traders. In their interior protectorate, the British elevated indigenous chiefs to exercise indirect rule. An unpopular hut tax led to rebellions, including that led by Temne chief Bai Bureh in 1896 and a revolt among the Mende in 1898. In the 20th century, mining became increasingly important for Sierra Leone's economy, and populations shifted from agricultural areas to centres of diamond and iron-ore mining. In 1935 the colonial government granted a 99-year mining monopoly to the Sierra Leone Selection Trust, owned by the Belgian company De Beers.
As elsewhere all across Africa, anti-colonial sentiment built, and the British colonizers began to loosen their grip. In 1949 Krio elites formed an alliance with conservative tribal chiefs called the Sierra Leone People's Party (SLPP) that was headed by Sir Milton Margai, a Mende. As power devolved from the British, Margai became Chief Minister in 1954. Northerners increasingly resented the greater infrastructure development in the Mende and Krio strongholds of the south and west. In 1957 the SLPP fractured, with many northerners, including from the Temne, Susu, Limba and Kono peoples, eventually coalescing around the All People's Congress (APC).
At independence in 1961, the SLPP and APC remained the two main competing parties. Milton Margai was the new country's first prime minister, and his brother Albert succeeded him upon his death in 1964. Albert Margain increasingly replaced Krio with Mende officials, and disenchanted Krios increasingly turned to the APC. The APC narrowly won national elections in 1967, but a military coup quickly deposed newly elected Prime Minister Siaka Stevens. Another coup in 1968 reinstated him, but hope for functioning democracy in Sierra Leone withered as Stevens set about establishing a repressive government apparatus. The economy entered a steep decline caused by corruption in the diamond mining industry that Stevens had nationalized, dwindling reserves of iron ore, and rising oil prices. In the face of increased opposition, Stevens used a dubious referendum to push through a new constitution in 1978 that officially made Sierra Leone a one-party state.
Continued opposition amidst economic decline led Stevens to step down in 1985, although he remained chairman of the APC and hand-selected his successor, General Joseph Saidu Momoh, who continued Stevens's repressive policies. Momoh put down an alleged coup attempt in 1987, arresting dozens of senior government officials in the aftermath. Sierra Leone's mounting international debt led Momoh to agree to stringent Structural Adjustment Programmes put forward by the International Monetary Fund. He also sought to reduce domestic dissent by introducing a constitutional review process that led to reinstatement of a multi-party system in October 1991.
Revolutionary United Front
However, in March 1991, a militant organization called the Revolutionary United Front (RUF) had invaded eastern Sierra Leone from Liberia. The RUF was led by Corporal Foday Sankoh and backed by Liberian rebel leader Charles Taylor, Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi, and Burkinabe Presidnent Blaise Compoare. Although its leaders were largely interested in control of Sierra Leone's lucrative alluvial diamond fields, the RUF found support among young Sierra Leoneans who were disgusted with government corruption, economic despair, and poor prospects for access to land controlled by paramount chiefs. Ethnicity also played a role, as the rebels exploited northerners' resentment of southerners' dominance of government. As the RUF and Liberian mercenaries encroached on the main diamond areas, Sierra Leone's army grew impatient with President Momoh. In April 1992 25-year-old Captain Vaentine Strasser (a Krio) led other young officers in ousting Momoh and establishing a National Provisional Ruling Council (NPRC).
Strasser's regime proved no better at governing or at fighting the RUF, which consolidated its control of the east and trafficked diamonds to Liberia and beyond in exchange for weapons in violation of a UN embargo. The rebels forcibly recruited thousands of Sierra Leonean children, and made them commit atrocities against civilians, including their own families and communities. The RUF, but also renegade government soldiers known as 'sobels' (soldiers by day and rebels by night), looted and burned villages, amputated body parts from their victims, and engaged in widespread campaigns of rape, sexual mutilation, and sexual slavery. With rebels in control of much of the country and moving towards Freetown in 1995, the NPRC regime hired mercenaries from the South African firm Executive Outcomes by pledging a percentage of the country's diamond wealth. The mercenaries were successful in retaking most of the lost territory, including the eastern diamond fields.
Strasser's deputy, Brigadier-General Julius Maada Bio, led a coup against him in January 1996 and, under domestic and international pressure, paved the way for elections. The April 1996 poll brought SLPP leader and former UN diplomat Ahmed Tejan-Kabbah (a Mandingo) to power. Kabbah introduced a broad-based government, with members from various parties. In the war, the Kabbah government relied heavily on the Civilian Defense Forces, based on traditional hunter societies – the largest of which were the Mende Kamajors led by Chief Sam Hinga Norman. These combatants also gained a reputation for atrocities against civilians and collective punishment, especially of non-Mende villages suspected to be sympathetic to the RUF.
Following another attempted coup in August 1996, alleged ringleader Major Johnny Paul Koroma was sent to prison. Junior officers loyal to Koroma launched a successful coup in May 1997, freed him from prison and made him head of state. Kabbah fled to neighbouring Guinea as Koroma invited the RUF to join his Armed Forces Revolutionary Council (AFRC) in government. Under the AFRC/RUF, Sierra Leoneans suffered a new round of depravity, violence and chaos.
ECOWAS military intervention
After Nigerian-led peacekeepers from the Economic Community of West African States ousted the AFRC/RUF regime and reinstated Kabbah in March 1998, the RUF launched a new and bloody offensive against the capital in January 1999. Driving civilians before them as a human shield, the rebels took much of the city and committed mass atrocities. Nigerian forces held western Freetown, but the international community, notably the UK and US, pressed the Kabbah government to enter into the July 1999 Lomé Peace Agreement with the RUF. The accord granted amnesty to the rebels, elevated RUF leader Foday Sankoh to the position of vice president, and placed him in charge of Sierra Leone's diamond industry. The agreement also paved the way for a UN peacekeeping mission (UNAMSIL) to replace the ECOWAS force (ECOMOG).
Foday Sankoh's arrest
Despite gaining considerable power under the Lomé agreement, the RUF egregiously violated the accord over the course of 2000, culminating in the hostage-taking of some 500 UNAMSIL peacekeepers. This prompted UK military intervention to free the hostages and beat back the rebels. On 8 May 1999, union and other Sierra Leonean civil society leaders marched on Foday Sankoh's residence in Freetown, where RUF members opened fire, killing around 20 protestors. The crowd stormed the house, arresting Sankoh and other senior RUF leaders.
In the face of domestic and robust international opposition, the rebel force was severely weakened. Guinean forces also attacked RUF forces in late 2000, in response to their involvement in attacks against opponents of Liberian President Charles Taylor on Guinean soil. A new peace agreement in May 2001 laid the groundwork for disarmament, demobilization and reintegration of ex-combatants and the transformation of the RUF into a political party. President Kabbah declared the war over in January 2002.
Truth and Reconciliation Commission
A Truth and Reconciliation Commission, foreseen in the 1999 Lomé agreement, took up its work in 2002, but suffered from a lack of resources and allegations of protecting the government from criticism. The TRC presented its final report to the government in October 2004, but civil society organizations criticized the TRC for failing to make the report accessible to most Sierra Leoneans, and the government for failing to implement the TRC report's recommendations.
Special Court for Sierra Leone
In 2002, the first staff of the Special Court for Sierra Leone (SCSL) arrived in the country. The government of Sierra Leone and United Nations established the international war crimes tribunal, staffed by internationals and Sierra Leoneans and tasked with bringing to justice those 'bearing greatest responsibility' for wartime atrocities. In 2003, the prosecutor issued 13 indictments for war crimes and crimes against humanity. Among the indicted were former RUF leader Foday Sankoh, Liberian President Charles Taylor, RUF commander Sam 'Maskita' Bockarie, AFRC leader Johnny Paul Koroma, as well as former CDF leader (and sitting Sierra Leonean Interior Minister) Sam Hinga Norman.
Sankoh subsequently died of natural causes in custody, and Bockarie was gunned down, allegedly on the orders of Taylor. According to some reports, Koroma met a similar fate, although subsequent reported Koroma sightings have left unclear whether he is dead or alive, and as of December 2007 the SCSL had not withdrawn his indictment. Taylor abandoned the Liberian presidency in August 2003, two months after the public unsealing of his indictment, and fled to Nigeria. Amid mounting international pressure, the Nigerian government delivered him for trial at the SCSL in March 2006. Taylor's trial was subsequently moved to the facilities of the International Criminal Court in The Hague due to security concerns about holding the proceedings in the SCSL's Freetown courtrooms.
Norman died of natural causes in February 2007, shortly before the verdict in the case against him and two co-accused. His CDF co-defendants were found guilty on some charges in August 2007, but received light sentences, and the verdict is under appeal by the prosecution. Three AFRC accused were found guilty in June 2007, and this finding along with the stiff sentences are being appealed by the defence. A ruling in the case against three RUF accused is due in 2008.
Ahmed Tejan Kabbah was re-elected as President in May 2002, and his Sierra Leone People's Party (SLPP) won a large majority in parliament. The political wing of the RUF, the RUFP, failed to win any seats at all in parliament and disbanded in July 2007, throwing its meagre weight behind the APC. International monitors declared the 2002 elections free and fair; however, there were numerous reports of election irregularities. Local government elections held in 2004 – the first for 32 years – were declared free and fair by national and international monitors. However, evidence of substantial electoral irregularities later emerged.
The opposition APC won parliamentary elections in August 2007 and in the simultaneous presidential vote, APC candidate Ernest Bai Koroma advanced to a September runoff against incumbent Vice President and SLPP candidate Soloman Berewa. Another major candidate, Charles Margai – the son of former Prime Minister Albert Margai – had previously left the SLPP and split the Mende vote in the first round; he endorsed the northerner Koroma (who is of mixed Temne and Limba ethnicity) in the second round. Krios also threw their support to Koroma in large numbers, and he returned his party to power for the first time since the end of the APC dictatorship in 1991. International observers declared the elections to be free and fair.
In 2004, the UN Mission in Sierra Leone (UNAMSIL) gradually passed responsibility for security to the Republic of Sierra Leone Armed Forces (RSLAF) and Sierra Leone Police (SLP). In December 2005, the UNAMSIL peacekeeping mission formally ended, and a smaller non-militarized UN Integrated Office in Sierra Leone (UNIOSIL) opened, assuming a peacebuilding mandate. In December 2007, the Security Council voted to gradually draw down the UNIOSIL presence and end the mission by September 2008. After the withdrawal of UNAMSIL peacekeepers, units attached to the UN Mission in Liberia (UNMIL) have had responsibility for security at the Special Court for Sierra Leone in Freetown.
Sierra Leone consistently ranks at or near the bottom of the UN Development Programme's Human Development Index. Most Sierra Leoneans suffer debilitating poverty, severe health problems that include prevalent malaria and extreme infant mortality rates. Unemployment and illiteracy levels are staggering. Many Sierra Leoneans remain traumatized by the war – victims and perpetrators alike. The Kabbah government gained a reputation for corruption and incompetence, and significant levels of foreign aid, notably from the UK, were squandered along with much of the country's natural resource wealth. In 2007, Sierra Leone ranked 150th in Transparency International's Corruption Perceptions Index of 180 countries.
Upon taking office in September 2007, President Koroma pledged to crack down on corruption. He bolstered the hitherto ineffective Anti-Corruption Commission and named Zainab Bangura, former founder of the NGO Campaign for Good Governance, as foreign minister.
Current state of minorities and indigenous peoples
Sierra Leonean society has long been notable for its religious tolerance, and public events are routinely preceded by Muslim and Christian prayers in which all participate. However, consiousness of tribal affiliation has been on the rise. The 2007 election campaign highlighted the general rivalry for power between such northern peoples as the Temne and Limba, and the Mende, who are concentrated in the South. A split in the Mende-dominated SLPP and subsequent support of prominent Mende candidate Charles Margai for the candidacy of northern-dominated APC candidate Ernest Bai Koroma helped to prevent the September run-off from becoming a clear referendum on tribal affiliation.
The main divide in Sierra Leone is still the deep rift between the few rich elites and the bulk of Sierra Leoneans – of all religions and tribes – who continue to live in desperate poverty.